■iliiiiliiiii?  III'?! 


»4?x-<^ 


lAS.Er.LAURUTc^ 

'OKTeRS^BOoiCS  ^' 


WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

AS  SEEN  IN  CONTEMPORARY 
DOCUMENTS  AND  JUDGED  ON 
EVIDENCE  OF  HIS   OWN  SPEECHES 


BY 


S.    C.    HAMMER,    M.A. 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 

HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 

1917 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTKR 

I.  YOUTH       ..... 

II.  FATHER  AND  SON 

III.  THE  YOUNG   RULER 

IV.  JOURNEYS  AND  INTRIGUES 

V.  THE  BREACH   WITH   BISMARCK 

VI.  THE  NEW  MASTER 

VII.  AN   ENLIGHTENED  POLICY 

VIII.  POLITICAL  CHESS 

IX,  THE  JUBILEE  YEAR 

X.  A   FUTURE  ON  THE  SEAS 

XI.  THE  END  OF  THE  FIRST  TEN  YEARS. 

XII.  THEORY  AND   FACT 

XIII.  THE  TRIUMPH  OF  C/ESARISM    . 

XIV.  DISAPPOINTMENTS 

XV.  THE  METEOR   AND   OTHERS 

XVI.  NERVOUS  SYMPTOMS 

XVII.  AN   INTERVIEW  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES 

XVIII.  BEFORE  THE   GREAT  WAR 

XIX.  WILLIAM   THE  PROBLEM 

LITERATURE  CONCERNING  WILLIAM   II. 
INDEX        ..... 


PAGE 
I 

u 

28 
42 
53 
67 
81 

95 
106 
120 
»3i 
H5 
»57 
173 
X87 
201 

215 
328 

243 
263 

265 


CHAPTER    I 

YOUTH 

During  the  last  days  of  1858  great  political 
unrest,  associated  in  a  singular  manner  with 
simple-hearted  loyalty,  was  prevalent  in  Berlin  and 
throughout  Prussia. 

The  rule  of  the  childless  Frederick  William  IV 
had  presented  for  many  years  an  almost  unique 
picture  of  incapacity  and  wilfulness  ;  during  1857 
he  had  been  obliged,  on  account  of  failing  mental 
powers,  to  relinquish  all  State  business,  and  was 
at  the  moment  living  in  Italy,  a  chronic  invalid. 
His  brother,  Prince  William,  who  acted  as  Regent, 
was  still  a  political  novice,  in  spite  of  his  sixty 
odd  years,  and  it  was  Bismarck  who  was  destined 
to  place  him  amongst  the  historic  figures  of  the 
age.  For  the  time  being,  however,  he  was  pre- 
eminently the  Prince  of  the  petite  bourgeoisie,  the 
unpretentious  ideal  of  the  ordinary  public  who  fre- 
quented tea-gardens  and  beerhouses  ;  while  those 
in  leading  positions  were  obliged  to  recognize  that 
he  had  neither  much  political  capacity  nor  even 
a  strong  personality. 

With  the  dawn  of  the  New  Year  fresh  troubles 
arose.  At  the  New  Year's  levee  in  the  Tuileries, 
Napoleon  III  expressed  his  regret  to  the  Austrian 

2 


2  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

Ambassador  that  friendly  relations  no  longer 
existed  between  the  French  and  Austrian  Govern- 
ments, and  this  ominous  observation — made  in  the 
hearing  of  the  whole  Diplomatic  Corps — blazed  like 
a  beacon  of  war  from  one  country  to  another. 
Nowhere,  with  the  exception  of  Vienna,  was  the 
news  received  with  more  excitement  than  at  Berlin, 
as  indeed  was  only  natural.  The  Prussian  Govern- 
ment was  subjected  to  violent  pressure  from 
Austria,  both  by  means  of  diplomacy  and  through 
the  Press  ;  but  in  spite  of  every  provocation,  Berlin 
maintained  an  obstinate  silence  for  several  months, 
evidently  because  the  time  was  not  considered 
opportune  for  that  national  war  that  should  end  in 
German  unity.  A  policy  of  this  kind  is  apt  to 
result  in  a  condition  of  a  public  apprehension, 
and  it  was  therefore  a  kindly  dispensation  of  Provi- 
dence that  a  pleasing  diversion  from  so  much 
anxiety   shortly   presented  itself. 

The  Prince  Regent's  only  son,  Prince  Frederick 
William  of  Prussia,  had  married  in  1857  the 
Princess  Royal  of  Great  Britain,  eldest  daughter 
of  Queen  Victoria.  At  first  the  alliance  was  not 
very  popular,  either  in  England  or  in  Prussia  ; 
but  now,  when  it  had  been  announced  that  the 
Princess  was  expecting  a  child,  all  classes  of  society 
united  heartily  in  their  good  wishes  towards  her. 

The  event,  which  was  expected  to  take  place 
during  the  latter  half  of  January,  aroused  extra- 
ordinary excitement.  It  became  the  central  point 
in  Church  prayers,  and  was  the  main  topic  of 
conversation  both  in  family  circles  and  at  public 
gatherings.  As  an  official  chronicler  tells  us  : 
"  All  social  engagements  were  postponed  in  expecta- 


YOUTH  3 

tion  of  the  day  that  should  secure  a  successor  to 
the  throne,  and  the  coming  event  was  eagerly- 
awaited  by  every  one."  A  whole  nation,  as  it 
were,   walked  on  tiptoe  outside  the  nursery  door. 

On  Tuesday,  January  25,  1859,  the  event  was 
so  close  at  hand  that  two  batteries  of  artillery 
were  ready  in  their  barracks,  prepared  to  fire  the 
salute  the  moment  the  news  should  be  received. 

It  came  at  a  little  after  three  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  27th  January.  But  even  before  the  salute 
was  fired  the  news  had  spread  like  wildfire  through 
the  capital,  "  Es  ist  ein  Prinz."  Those  who  were 
still  in  ignorance  counted  the  guns  up  to  thirty- 
six,  and  thus  all  doubts  were  dispelled. 

"  Es  ist  ein  Prinz  1  "  These  words  passed 
throughout  the  city  like  a  word  of  command.  In 
a  few  hours  Berlin  was  transformed.  Every 
house  was  decorated  with  flags  and  streamers — 
many  Union  Jacks  among  them — and  at  night 
there  was  a  general  illumination  that  extended  to 
the  remotest  quarters  of  the  city.  Unter  den 
Linden  was  one  great  sea  of  human  beings,  and 
in  all  the  places  of  amusement  rejoicings  knew 
no  bounds.  In  the  provinces  enthusiasm  was 
equally  great,  and  even  in  London  the  public 
caught   the   fever.'      The  next   day  newspapers   in 

'  The  following  contemporary  verse  is  not  without  a  certain 
interest  at  the  present  time  : — 

Hail  the  auspicious  morn  ! 
To  Prussia's  throne  is  born 
A  royal  heir. 

May  he  defend  its  laws 

Join  with  old  England's  cause, 

Thus  win  all  men's  applause  ! 


4  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

every  country  devoted  leading  articles  to  the  event, 
and  there  was  a  sudden  amazing  increase  in  the 
number  of  German  poets. 

Five  weeks  later  the  little  Prince  was  christened, 
receiving  the  names  of  Friedrich  Wilhelm  Victor 
Albert — in  token  of  his  German  and  British  descent. 
According  to  all  contemporary  records,  the  succeed- 
ing weeks  were  very  busy  ones  for  Berlin.  Prince 
William's  birth  was  the  central  point  round  which 
existence  revolved.  "  The  politicians  who  discuss 
the  event  exhibit  their  enthusiasm  more  than  their 
tact  or  decency,"  wrote  a  contemporary  British 
correspondent.  "  All  the  ladies  of  Berlin  talk 
about  nurses,  and  the  newspapers  are  full  of 
articles  on  midwifery.  Princess  Victoria  is  the 
darling  of  the  hour.  Everything  she  does  or  says 
is  repeated,  applauded,  and  imitated.  The  colour 
of  her  ribbons,  the  shape  of  her  collars,  are  copied 
with  the  most  touching  fidelity."  After  giving 
other  instances  of  this  extravagant  enthusiasm — 
which,  we  are  told,  affected  one  minor  poet  so 
strongly  that  he  exhorted  the  infant  of  a  few  weeks 
"  to  place  the  crown  of  Germany  without  delay 
upon  his  head  " — the  writer  concluded  by  quoting 
a  lullaby  with  the  somewhat  monotonous  refrain 
"  Su  !  Su  !  Su  !  "  "  It  is  immensely  popular," 
he  added;  "  but  we  will  not  attempt  to 
translate  it,  as  it  would  lose  too  much  of  its 
beauty." 

After  the  christening  on  March  5th  things  began 
to  settle  down  again.  The  congratulations  and 
deputations  ceased  ;  the  illuminations  died  down 
and  the  torches  were  extinguished.  The  happy 
parents  conveyed  their  thanks  to  the  nation  in  a 


YOUTH  5 

letter  to  the  Gazette,  and  concluded  by  expressing 
the  hope  that  "  we  shall  be  enabled  by  God's 
help  to  bring  up  our  son  to  be  an  honour  and 
blessing   to  our  beloved  country." 

Before  many  years  had  gone  by  they  found 
that  this  task  was  fraught  with  difficulties. 

From  an  early  age  Prince  William  showed  great 
wilfulness,  a  characteristic  which  stood  out  in 
marked  contrast  to  his  slight,  almost  girlish  appear- 
ance, and  to  a  certain  physical  awkwardness,  due 
to  an  unfortunate  want  of  power  in  the  left  arm. 
As  the  years  went  by  his  wilfulness  increased,  and 
asserted  itself  much  during  his  lessons.  Every- 
thing connected  with  outward  forms  and  social 
success — for  instance,  foreign  languages — he 
acquired  with  almost  incredible  facility.  With 
an  energy  that  was  no  less  striking,  and  with 
an  inborn  indifference  to  bodily  discomfort,  he 
struggled  at  an  early  age  to  overcome  that  handi- 
cap in  physical  exercises  occasioned  by  his  useless 
arm.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  very  hard  to 
make  him  respond  to  any  moral  or  spiritual  influ- 
ence, and,  on  the  whole,  he  was  what  people  call 
"  a  difficult  child."  His  inability  to  fix  his  thoughts 
on  any  special  subject  was  very  marked,  and 
"  neither  his  gifted  mother,  his  wise,  tolerant  father, 
nor  his  philosophical  tutor  were  able  to  exercise 
the  least  influence  on  the  boy  in  this  respect," 
says  his  tutor.  Dr.  Hintzpeter.  Those  in  charge 
of  the  Prince  made  especial  efforts  to  counteract 
the  evil  effects  of  the  "  flood  of  thought  and  im- 
pressions that  stream  into  the  minds  of  all  princes 
from  their  earliest  childhood,  and  which  are  so 
apt  to   result   in  confusion   of  thought  and  satiety 


6  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

of  feeling."  It  was  therefore  essential  that  "  all 
those  in  authority  should  exercise  the  greatest  firm- 
ness and  should  work  loyally  and  energetically 
together  "  ;  but  even  this  "  strong  pressure  of 
moral  force  methodically  applied  "  appears  to  have 
had  no  permanent  influence  on  the  future  Kaiser. 
"  Now  and  then,"  adds  Dr.  Hintzpeter,  "  it 
appeared  as  if  we  had  succeeded,  and  many  hopes 
were  raised.  But  in  a  short  time  they  were  dis- 
pelled, and  our  disappointment  was  all  the  greater 
when  we  discovered  that  his  original  character 
remained  unaltered." 

No  great  discernment  is  necessary  to  realize 
that  a  prince  and  heir-apparent  with  a  character 
of  the  kind  described  could  not  fail  to  be  in  a 
difficult  position  in  the  Germany  of  the  'sixties. 
The  nation  was  then  passing  through  its  heroic 
age.  Little  by  little  it  had  secured  all  that  for 
generations  it  had  yearned  for,  and  all  classes  of 
society  had  contributed  to  this  work.  The  promi- 
nent figures  of  the  time  were  essentially  men. 
of  action  who  commanded  public  attention  by  their 
practical  gifts,  and  also  by  a  certain  touch  of 
imagination  which  never  ran  away  with  them,  and 
yet  which  threw  a  glamour  over  their  actions  and 
gave  them  power  to  penetrate  the  national  con- 
sciousness. Prince  William  saw  nothing  of  all 
this,  nor  indeed  had  he  any  natural  tendency  to  be 
attracted  by  it.  As  far  as  he  was  concerned,  the 
whole  thing  was  a  military  spectacle,  a  triumphal 
march  with  glittering  arms  and  martial  music.  His 
grandfather  and  all  the  "  paladins,"  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Bismarck,  were  his  childish  heroes,  and 
his    boyish    imagination    had    invented    his     own 


YOUTH  7 

legend  as  to  how  it  all  came  about.  His  parents 
saw  with  dismay  how  these  military  propensities 
threatened  to  gain  a  complete  mastery  over  him, 
and  they  did  all  in  their  power  to  counteract 
them  by  putting  forward  the  interests  of  civil  life. 
They  adopted  various  means — as,  for  instance, 
frequent  tours  both  in  their  own  country  and 
abroad — and  utilized  every  available  opportunity 
to  this  end.  Later  on — ^towards  the  end  of  his 
boyhood — they  went  so  far  against  all  tradition 
as  to  send  their  son  to  a  "  gymnasium  "  at  Kassel, 
where  he  spent  his  time  from  September  1874 
to  January  1877  amidst  entirely  civil  surroundings. 
He  visited  factories  and  museums,  workshops  and 
mines  ;  he  learned  to  know  the  life  of  the  people 
at  their  various  occupations,  and  caught  a  glimpse 
of  the  importance  of  each  man's  work  for  the 
good  of  all.  At  the  same  time,  he  began  to 
show  those  scientific  and  technical  interests — tastes 
inherited  from  his  British  mother — ^which  in  the 
course  of  time  were  to  develop  in  so  striking  a 
manner,  in  many  instances  enabling  him  to 
astonish  even  real  authorities  on  the  subject. 

In  a  letter  from  Prince  William,  written  in 
1885,  we  find  a  number  of  statements  that  throw 
light  both  upon  himself  and  upon  the  system  of 
public-school  education  in  vogue  in  Germany  at 
that  time,  although  it  should  be  borne  in  mind 
that  his  picture  was  very  quickly  pronounced  some- 
what one-sided  by  German  scholastic  authorities. 
He  brands  the  gymnasium  system  as  "  the  most 
antiquated  and  soul-destroying  of  all  systems,"  and 
mentions  as  a  characteristic  example  that  "  out 
of    twenty-one    boys    in    my    class    nineteen    wore 


8  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

spectacles,  and  of  the  nineteen  three  were  actually 
obliged  to  hold  an  eyeglass  in  front  of  their 
spectacles  when  they  wished  to  read  what  was 
on  the  blackboard  1  " 

The  methods  of  teaching  appear  to  have  been 
on  a  par  with  the  rest  of  the  system. 

"  Homer,  that  splendid  genius,  whom  I  admire 
so  much  ;  Horace,  Demosthenes,  whose  speeches 
cannot  fail  to  arouse  enthusiasm — how  were  they 
read?  Perhaps,  you  say,  with  keen  delight  in  the 
glorious  conflicts,  or  it  may  be  in  the  descriptions 
of  Nature?  Alas  no  I  Beneath  the  scalpel  of  a 
pedantic  and  fanatical  philologist  every  little 
sentence  was  divided  and  subdivided,  until  the 
skeleton  was  found  and  exhibited  with  much 
pride  for  general  admiration.  ...  It  is  enough 
to  make  one  weep.  And  the  Latin  and  Greek 
exercises — ^what  folly  they  were  I  What  labour 
and  toil  they  cost  us  !  And  yet  what  rubbish  the 
results  were  !  Away  with  such  lumber  I  Let  us 
wage  war  to  the  knife  against  such  teaching  !  The 
result  of  the  system  is  that  our  children  know 
Greek  syntax  better  than  the  Greeks  themselves  : 
that  they  know  by  heart  the  lists  of  generals, 
battles,  and  positions  in  the  Punic  and  Mithridatic 
wars,  but  have  only  a  vague  idea  of  the  battles 
of  the  Seven  Years  War  or  even  the  modern 
wars  of  1866  and  1870,  which  they  have  not  yet 
had  for  their  examinations  !  "  As  regards  physical 
exercise,  he  advises  drill  under  the  charge  of 
a  non-commissioned  officer  in  all  towns  where 
soldiers  are  quartered,  and  "  instead  of  the  so- 
called  class  promenades  with  walking-sticks,  black 
coats,  and  cigars,  route  marches,  with  a  little  field 


YOUTH  9 

exercise,  even  though  it  may  degenerate  into  horse- 
play and  fisticuffs." 

In  spite  of  this  scathing  criticism  of  teachers 
and  their  methods,  there  is  good  reason  for 
beHeving  that  his  remarks  must  partly  be  ascribed 
to  an  outburst  of  feeling  dictated  by  the  desire 
to  put  in  a  word  on  a  much-discussed  question,  and 
to  do  so  in  the  sensational  and  confident  manner 
that  has  always  been  one  of  the  Kaiser's  charac- 
teristics. If  this  were  not  so,  it  would  be  even 
more  difficult  than  it  is  to  reconcile  these  state- 
ments with  those  made  at  Kassel  many  years  later, 
in  which  he  observed  that  it  was  precisely  the 
"  serious  and  incessant  studies  that  I  pursued  at 
the  gymnasium  here  .  .  .  which  have  enabled  me 
to  bear  those  burdens  that  grow  heavier  from  day 
to  day." 

He  expressed  a  similar  feeling  of  gratitude  when 
he  took  leave  of  the  school.  We  are  told  that 
at  a  farewell  dinner  he  proposed  the  health  of 
the  teachers  and  school  in  well-chosen  words.  The 
members  of  the  staff  all  received  a  decoration, 
and  all  the  boys  in  the  Prince's  form  received  a 
cabinet  photograph  of  their  royal  class-mate,  "  in 
civil  dress  or  uniform  as  preferred,"  and  inscribed 
with  his  autograph  on  the  back. 

One  of  his  teachers  presented  him  with  an  ode, 
in  which  he  was  compared  to  young  Alexander, 
who,  far  from  the  noise  of  the  world  outside,  pre- 
pared himself  for  his  future  vocation,  "  to  conquer 
the  world  with  sudden  swiftness  and  lay  the  founda- 
tion of  lasting  fame  amongst  future  generations 
by  the  memory  of  his  great  prowess." 

From   the    gymnasium    at    Kassel   his    path    led 


10  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

him  to  the  University  of  Bonn,  where  for  two 
years  he  studied  an  absolutely  bewildering  number 
of  subjects.  He  attended  lectures  on  Roman  law, 
history,  philosophy,  experimental  physics,  the 
history  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  history 
of  German  government  and  German  law,  political 
economy,  ancient  art,  modern  German  literature, 
criminal  law  and  procedure,  finance,  the  history 
of  art,  the  history  of  the  Reformation,  national 
and  international  law,  chemistry,  and,  lastly,  politics 
and  the  Prussian  administrative  system  I  This  list 
conveys  some  idea  of  his  appetite  for  knowledge 
and  his  difficulty  in  concentrating  his  mind.  As 
a  German  author  remarks  :  "It  stands  to  reason 
that  it  was  not  possible  for  the  Prince  to  be 
attracted  and  captivated  in  an  equal  degree  by 
all  those  various  subjects  and  by  the  many  different 
methods  of  instruction  prevailing  at  the  Univer- 
sity." Expressed  less  pompously,  this  means  that 
several  of  the  subjects  mentioned  above — for 
example,  German  literature  and  ancient  and 
modem  art — were  taken  very  superficially,  not  more 
than  one  term  being  devoted  to  each.  Under 
these  circumstances  it  is  easy  to  explain  why  the 
Kaiser's  admiration  for  Goethe,  whom  he  other- 
wise recognizes  as  a  great  man  of  genius,  has 
always  been  quite  impersonal,  and  why  he  should 
regard  Schiller  as  a  revolutionary  whose  influence 
as  an  author  was  not  entirely  evil,  or  again,  how 
he  can  discern  the  greatness  of  a  Renaissance 
in  the  modern  Berlin  school  of  sculpture. 

As  far  as  he  personally  is  concerned,  he  has 
often  said  that  he  considers  his  time  at  Bonn  to 
have    been    one    of    the    happiest    in   his    life,    and 


YOUTH  II 

as  a  member  of  the  famous  "  Borusser "  Corps 
he  made  many  friends,  a  circumstance  that  is 
significant  because  of  the  afifection  he  has  always 
retained  for  his  companions  of  that  time.  It  is 
thus  no  mere  chance,  for  instance,  that  the  present 
Chancellor  Bethmann-Hollweg,  the  Foreign  Minister 
von  Jagow,  and  that  unofficial  counsellor  the  multi- 
millionaire Prince  Fiirstenberg,  were  one  and  all 
college  friends  of  the  Kaiser. 

"  In  the  midst  of  this  active  intercourse  in  school, 
University,  and  the  life  of  the  people,"  writes  Dr. 
Hintzpeter,  "  his  interest  in  military  matters  de- 
veloped so  rapidly  that  at  length  it  occupied  the 
first  place  in  his  dreams,  his  thoughts,  and  his 
actions."  Many  minor  incidents  of  his  boyhood 
and  youth  confirm  this  statement,  and  the 
atmosphere  of  military  tradition  in  which  he 
lived  necessarily  contributed  in  no  small  degree 
to  the  development  of  that  side  of  his  nature 
which  his  wise  parents  strove  in  vain  to  check. 

"  It  is  a  prerogative  of  princes  of  the  House 
of  Hohenzollem,"  said  the  Kaiser  in  a  speech  made 
in  1899,  "  that  from  the  age  of  ten  they  learn  to 
offer  their  strength  and  their  energy  to  the  service 
of  the   Fatherland." 

In  accordance  with  this  family  tradition,  the 
little  Prince  William  in  1869  received  a  commis- 
sion as  lieutenant  in  the  Footguards,  after  four 
years'  training  as  a  sergeant.  In  the  same  year 
he  paraded  for  the  first  time  before  his  grand- 
father, wearing  his  new  uniform  and  decorated 
with  the  Black  Eagle.  King  William,  who  had  not 
yet  reached  the  summit  of  his  military  fame,  spoke 
a   iew   words    to    his    grandson   after   the   parade, 


12  WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

and  expressed  the  hope  that  the  boy  "  might  live 
to  look  back  on  a  long  period  of  service  and 
share  further  glories  in  the  history  of  this  gallant 
regiment."  As  was  the  case  with  all  his  grand- 
father's utterances,  these  words  were  indelibly 
printed  in  the  boy's  memory,  and  more  than  once 
in  the  history  of  William  II  the  ist  Footguards 
have  played  an  important  part,  not  merely  in 
military  affairs  but  also  in  those  of  a  political 
character. 

The  following  year  saw  the  great  event  that  led 
to  the  unification  of  the  Empire — the  Franco- 
German  War,  with  all  its  dramatic  incidents.  One 
message  of  victory  after  another  was  proclaimed 
in  Germany  :  Weissenburg,  Worth,  Gravelotte, 
Sedan,  only  to  name  the  greatest.  An  Empire 
associated  with  the  most  glorious  name  in  modern 
European  history  lay  in  ruins,  and  a  new 
Empire  was  to  arise,  with  the  Hohenzollems  at 
its  head.  Napoleon's  comet  had  burned  out  like 
the  Revolution  which  had  bred  it.  But  the  star 
of  the  Hohenzollerns  shone  bright  as  Arcturus  in 
the  northern  sky,  royal  and  calm  by  virtue  of 
its  Divine  origin.  Subsequent  history  has  revealed 
certain  events  connected  with  the  reconstruction 
of  Germany  that  make  the  whole  impression  less 
sublime  than  it  appeared  to  contemporary  writers. 
But  for  the  boy  growing  up  in  those  days  it  was 
romance  become  reality. 

Little  Prince  William  was  allowed  to  take  part 
in  the  final  scene.  In  the  triumphal  procession 
through  Berlin,  June  i6,  1871,  he  rode  on  a  pie- 
bald pony  along  Unter  den  Linden  just  behind 
his    father,    beside   his   uncle,    the   Grand   Duke   of 


YOUTH  13 

Baden.  This  event  made  a  lasting  impression  on 
him,  and  though  there  is  Httle  reason  to  believe — 
as  certain  Court  chroniclers  assert — that  even  at 
that  early  period  of  his  life  he  had  already  begun 
to  ponder  the  responsibilities  of  the  Imperial  crown, 
there  is  much  evidence  to  prove  that  the  splendour 
of  it  all  held  him  spellbound. 

It  is  against  this  historic  and  psychological  back- 
ground that  his  schooldays  at  Kassel  and  his  under- 
graduate years  at  Bonn  must  be  contemplated. 
They  were  only  steps  in  his  education,  necessary 
stages  of  knowledge  through  which  he  had  to  pass 
before  he  could  devote  himself  wholly  to  that  task 
which,  in  his  eyes,  was  the  greatest  of  all,  and, 
in  fact,  the  only  one  that  life  could  offer. 

As  for  education,  in  1879,  at  the  age  of  twenty, 
he  had  done  with  the  whole  thing.  The  in- 
significant school  and  college  days  were  a  thing 
of  the  past,  and  in  their  place  came  the  Army, 
with   all   its   seductive  splendour  of  command. 


CHAPTER    II 

FATHER   AND   SON 

Some  years  before  the  completion  of  his  University; 
career — at  a  time  when  he  was  not  yet  able  to 
devote  himself  entirely  to  the  Army — Prince 
William  received  the  following  advice  from  his 
grandfather  on  the  occasion  of  his  entry  upon 
military  service:  "  In  the  career  upon  which  you 
are  now  about  to  enter  you  will  observe  many 
things  that  are  apparently  insignificant,  and  this 
will  probably  seem  strange  to  you  ;  but  you  will 
learn  that  in  the  Service  there  is  nothing  trifling, 
and  that  every  stone  required  in  building  an  army 
must  be  properly  shaped  if  the  whole  structure  is 
to  stand  firm  and  strong." 

These  words,  which  were  taken  almost  too  liter- 
ally, became  the  Prince's  motto  from  the  day  of 
his  first  independent  command  in  1879,  and  con- 
tinued to  be  so  until  he  finally  appeared  in  thie 
character  of  "  Supreme  War-Lord."  On  marches 
and  parades,  at  manoeuvres  and  daily  drills,  he 
displayed  an  interest  and  enthusiasm  that  aroused 
pubHc  attention  and  gratified  no  one  more  than  his 
aged  grandfather.  Now  and  then  he  had  an 
opportunity  of  speaking  in  public,  e.g.  during  some 
march  when  his  detachment  passed  a  spot  of  his- 


FATHER   AND   SON  15 

toric  interest,  or  when  it  fell  to  his  lot  to  be  present 
at  some  memorial  ceremony  of  a  military  character. 
The  facts  he  related  on  such  occasions  were  not 
always  as  strictly  historical  as  could  be  wished, 
but  his  intentions  were  excellent  ;  and  who  would 
be  too  critical  towards  a  young  patriotic  officer 
because  in  the  excitement  of  the  moment  he  makes 
the  vanquished  opponents  of  his  country  somewhat 
more   formidable   than   they  actually  were? 

Moreover,  the  young  Prince  had  independent 
ideas.  At  a  very  early  age — he  tells  us  in  a  speech 
delivered  at  the  beginning  of  the  "nineties — he  chose 
as  his  model  the  famous  Frederick  William  of 
Brandenburg,  who  is  known  to  history  as  the 
"  Great  Elector."  The  Prince  reverenced  this  man, 
who  was  born  at  the  beginning  of  the  Thirty 
Years  War,  and  who  when  little  more  than  twenty 
years  of  age  had  succeeded  toi  a  patrimony  that  had 
been  ravaged  and  scourged  by  the  barbarism  of 
the  times.  Trampled  fields,  burnt  villages,  a 
starved  and  perishing  population,  such  was  the 
Brandenburg  that  Frederick  William  inherited. 
But  by  an  iron  will  and  a  steadfast  piety,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  welding  his  country  together  and  in 
creating  that  Army  which  was  to  prove  itself  the 
finest  weapon  in  the  struggle  for  national  unity. 
The  Elector  had  even  some  maritime  ambitions — 
a  wonderful  thing  in  those  days,  and  one  of  which 
his  subjects  could  not  understand  the  importance. 
So  it  happened  that  the  Navy  he  created  soon 
dwindled  away.  "  But,"  said  the  Kaiser,  "  the 
young,  whose  inheritance  is  in  the  future,  should 
fix  their  eyes  upon  the  Great  Elector,  and,  like 
him,  be  God-fearing  and  severe,  exorably  severe, 


i6  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

towards  themselves  and  towards  others  ;  and,  like 
him  also,  look  upon  every  disappointment  as  a 
trial  sent  by  Heaven." 

This  picture  is  noticeably  idealized  and  gives 
us  little  or  no  idea  of  the  autocrat  Frederick 
William,  who  placed  himself  above  all  constitu- 
tional considerations  and  created  that  arbitrary, 
attitude  towards  popular  representation  which 
afterwards  became  a  Prussian  tradition.  But  it 
shows  us  the  direction  of  the  young  Prince'sl 
thoughts,  the  ideals  he  cherished,  and  the  questions 
that  were  active  in  his  brain. 

It  is  a  rule  of  more  than  two  centuries'  standing 
in  Prussia  that  the  Heir-Apparent  is  to  have  less 
power  and  influence  than  any  private  citizen.  He 
may,  of  course,  have  interests  and  sympathies  like 
anybody  else  and  he  may  study  military  matters 
or  politics.  But  he  is  obliged  to  be  strictly 
neutral,  and  must  on  no  account  take  any  part 
whatever  in  public  discussion  or  express  opinions 
on  the  actual  questions  of  the  day. 

To  a  nature  like  that  of  Prince  William  such 
a  position  would  naturally  present  some  difficulties, 
and  it  is  therefore  not  surprising  to  find  that  before 
long  he  began  to  run  counter  to  tradition. 

"  Prince  William  is  a  somewhat  boyish  and 
petulant  young  man,"  writes  Prince  Hohenlohe, 
afterwards  Chancellor  of  the  Empire,  in  his  diary 
for  1 88 1,  some  months  after  the  Prince's  marriage 
with  Princess  Augusta  Victoria  of  Schleswig- 
Holstein,  the  present  Kaiserin.  "  His  mother  is 
afraid  of  him,  and  he  also  comes  into  conflict  with 
his  father,  but  his  wife  is  said  to  exercise  a 
restraininj?   influence." 


FATHER   AND   SON  17 

This  description  is  interesting,  though  hardly 
correct  with  regard  to  the  mother.  The  future 
Empress  Frederick,  with  her  temperament,  was 
hardly  likely  to  stand  in  any  fear  of  her  son. 
She  saw  herself  again  in  his  manifold  interests 
and  in  his  keen  appreciation  of  contemporary 
thought,  but  she  sought  in  vain  for  the  critical 
gifts  that  were  so  notably  her  own  strength.  Prince 
William  could  impress  others,  but  under  those 
searching  maternal  eyes   he  was  powerless. 

His  father  was  in  the  same  position,  liberal  and 
unprejudiced,  filled  by  the  same  sense  of  duty  that 
he  observed  in  his  son,  but,  like  his  wife,  not  to  be 
deceived  by  any  exaggerated   ideas. 

Prince  William's  knowledge  of  war  was  limited 
to  the  history  of  his  forefathers,  for  what  little 
he  himself  had  experienced  was  confined  to  vic- 
torious dispatches  and  triumphal  processions,  pass- 
ing through  streets  gay  with  flowers  and  flags.. 
He  remembered  music  and  colours,  sparkling  eyes, 
everything  that  could  appeal  to  imagination  and 
summon  to  fresh  deeds  and  fresh  glories.  His 
father  had  experienced  the  realities  of  war  in  three 
campaigns,  and  its  horrors  had  left  an  ineffaceable 
impression  on  his  memory.  "  War,"  he  said  once 
in  the  course  of  a  conversation — "  you  speak  so 
Ughtly  of  war.  That  is  because  you  have  never 
seen  it.     Ah  !    if  you  had  only  seen  war  !  " 

It  was  a  defect  in  the  Imperial  circle  that  there 
was  no  intimate  connection  between  the  Court  and 
the  actual  determining  influences  of  the  day. 
William  I  was  and  remained  a  soldier's  emperor 
just  as  he  had  formerly  been  a  soldier's  king,  and 
it  is  well  known  that  throughout  his  long  hfe  his 

3 


i8  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

interest  in  artists  and  scholars  was  extremely 
limited.  Kaiserin  Augusta  had  direct  traditions 
from  Goethe's  Weimar,  but  unfortunately  they 
were  already  more  than  sixty  years  behind  the 
times,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  had  never  made 
much  difference  to  her  views  of  life.  At  the 
Court  of  the  Crown  Prince  there  was  a  fresher 
atmosphere.  Interests  herd  were  many  and 
varied,  even  though  they  did  not  go  very  far  in 
a  scholarly  direction  ;  and  it  will  always  stand  to 
the  credit  of  the  Crown  Princess  of  those  days 
that  she  opened  her  drawing-room  to  men  like 
Helmholtz,  Virchow,  and  other  representatives  of 
intellectual  liberty,  thereby  doing  her  best  to  break 
the  domination  of  the  military  idea.  This  was 
much  to  be  desired,  especially  after  her  son  had 
married  and  set  up  a  Court  of  his  own,  for  there 
the  old  Kaiser's  Court  was  revived  in  a  new  garb. 
The  prevailing  note  was  stiff  militarism  coupled 
with  strict  orthodoxy,  the  two  most  influential 
representatives  of  these  ideas  being  the  anti-Semitic 
Stoecker  and  Count  Waldersee,  afterwards  field- 
marshal. 

These  divergencies  within  the  royal  house  inevit- 
ably led  to  collisions  and  provided  material  for 
gossip,  whilst  at  the  same  time  it  became  evident 
to  every  one  with  the  ability  and  will  to  form 
an  independent  judgment  that  Prince  William's 
enthusiasm  for  his  grandfather  was  carrying  him 
far  from  the  province  of  reality. 

The  result  was  that  the  public  occupied  itself 
with  him  more  and  more.  In  some  quarters 
great  things  were  prophesied  of  him,  although  it 
is  difficult,  not  to,  say  impossible,  to  refer  to  any 


FATHER   AND   SON  19 

authoritative  statement  to  this  effect.  People  drew 
attention  to  his  mental  apd  physical  energy,  his 
love  of  travel — which  even  at  that  time  was  very 
marked — his  martial  and  strictly  Prussian  views 
of  history,  all  of  which  seemed  to  promise  a  future 
full  of  military  glory.  His  love  of  the  sea,  an 
inheritance  from  his  British  mother,  gave  that 
future  a  wider  horizon.  In  contrast  to  his  fellow- 
ofhcers  at  Potsdam,  amongst  whom,  nevertheless, 
he  was  extremely  happy,  he  had  none  of  the 
prejudice  that  most  of  them  entertained  against 
the  Navy,  and  by  means  of  academic  lectures  on 
the  Fleet  and  its  importance,  he  endeavoured  to 
induce  the  military  officers  to  regard  it  with  impar- 
tial eyes,  and  to  see  in  it,  not  a  rival  but  an  ally  in 
the  great  work  of  national  defence. 

All  this  was  excellent.  But  there  were  those 
who  remarked  also  certain  serious  blemishes  in 
his  character,  such  as  his  unbounded  self-esteem, 
which  often  took  the  form  of  a  want  of  due  con- 
sideration for  others,  and  his  ubiquitous  restless- 
ness, which  never  failed  to  have  some  new  item 
on  the  programme  and  never  forgot  to  inform 
the  public  of  it. 

Even  in  relation  to  a  man  like  Bismarck,  whose 
genius  the  Prince  appreciated  at  that  period  of 
his  life,  although  evidently  he  never  rightly  under- 
stood the  real  man,  he  at  times  allowed  himself 
to  behave  with  a  most  extraordinary  mixture  of 
familiarity  and  disrespect,  for  which  it  is  not  easy 
to  find  the  right  word. 

On  Prince  Bismarck's  sixty-ninth  birthday,  in 
1884,  he  was  presented  by  the  Prince  with  the 
royal    photograph,    endorsed    with    the    significant 


20  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

Latin  inscription,  Cave!  Adsiim!  '  Bismarck 
laughed  superciliously.  "  Apparently  our  young 
friend  does  not  know  how  rude  he  is.  Youth — yes, 
youth,  believes  itself  more  formidable  than  it 
really  is.  But  I  agree  with  Mephistopheles — it 
may  turn  into  something  in  the  long  run." 

The  quotation  is  admirable,  not  least  so  because 
it  is  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  very  representative 
of  doubt  and  scorn,  and  it  remains  a  question' 
whether  after  all  Bismarck  was  not  the  ruder  of 
the  two. 

There  is  an  account  given  by  the  late  Professor 
Maurenbrecher^^  of  Bonn — Prince  William's  most 
distinguished  teacher  during  his  years  of  study — 
which  materially  assists  us  in  understanding  the 
Prince's  attitude.  The  professor  was  simply 
horrified  at  his  pupil's  views  of  history  and  politics, 
and  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  instil  into  his 
royal  charge  a  different  conception  of  these  sub- 
jects. But  it  is  evident  that  he  did  not  succeed. 
Prince  William  retained  as  a  man  the  same  primi- 
tive ideas  of  history  that  he  had  adopted  when 
a  boy.  Every  event  was  to  be  traced  to  the 
inspired  rulers,  the  men  of  action,  who  at  their 
supreme  discretion  chose  the  helpers  they  might 
need.  The  conception  of  a  national  soul  that 
has  evolved  according  to  its  own  laws  has  always 
been  foreign  to  his  mind,  and  the  numerous  ques- 
tions that  are  closely  connected  with  the  econcmic 
and  social  enterprises  of  the  day  have  never  been 
able  to  win  more  than  superficial  attention  fromi 
the   Kaiser. 

The  result  was  that  during  this  important  period 
'  Beware  !    I  am  here  ! 


FATHER   AND   SON  21 

of  his  life,  when  out  of  regard  to  his  future  vocation 
it  was  of  the  utmost  consequence  for  him  to  acquire 
impartial  views  of  the  realities  of  history  and  of 
Hfe,  Prince  William  at  once  wrapped  himself  in 
a  world  of  princely  romance  that  belonged  to  the 
twelfth  century  rather  than  the  nineteenth.  The 
Imperial  position  was  Divine  and  responsible  to 
God  alone,  and  the  most  burning  questions  of  the 
day — political,  social,  economic,  even  scientific  or 
^literary — should  first  be  brought  before  the  intellec- 
tual judgment-seat  of  the  Emperor.  There  alone 
their  triumph  or  failure  would  be  finally  decided. 
There  was  something  almost  disquieting  in  such 
an  unbounded  love  of  power.  Words  and  meta- 
phors poured  from  his  lips,  and,  as  Dr.  Hintzpeter 
said,  his  character  matured  "  with  almost  tropical 
rapidity." 

With  this  primitive  conception  of  the  position 
of  Prince  and  people,  it  goes  without  saying  that 
it  never  for  one  instant  occurred  to  the  Prince  to 
study  politics  in  the  real  meaning  of  the  term. 
Bismarck  could  have  told  him  that  there  is  no  more 
difficult  science,  dealing  as  it  does  with  living, 
changing  values.  He  could  have  taught  him  that 
the  secret  of  political  success  rests  on  a  basis  of 
common  sense,  joined  to  a  certain  imaginative 
power  of  grasping  new  situations,  and  an  unflinch- 
ing determination  to  reach  the  great  goal.  But 
all  this  meant  nothing  to  a  young  man  who  had  no 
sense  of  historical  perspective,  and  who,  even  at 
the  age  of  twenty-nine,  had  no  practical  knowledge 
of  the  machinery  of  State. 

It  is  significant  to  observe  that  it  was  Bismarck 
who  took  the  first  steps  in  the  matter. 


22  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

In  December  1887  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia 
was  pronounced  by  the  doctors  to  be  incurable^ 
and  this  was  the  prelude  to  an  epoch  of  mental 
and  physical  suffering  that  will  always  remain  one 
of  the  saddest  memories  of  the  house  of  Hohen- 
zollern.  The  old  Kaiser  was  at  that  time  over 
ninety,  and  in  view  of  the  situation  created  by  the 
illness  of  the  Crown  Prince,  Bismarck  considered 
it  imperative  that  Prince  William  should  by  degrees 
be  introduced  to  the  details  of  practical  adminis- 
tration . 

The  old  Kaiser  was  quite  in  favour  of  such  an 
arrangement,  as  he  shows  by  one  of  his  letters 
to  Bismarck,  but  it  was  very  difficult  to  adjust  the 
matter.  The  Crown  Prince  had  already  been  pain- 
fully affected  by  the  circumstance  that  when  the 
Emperor  was  prevented  from  so  doin^,  Prince 
William  took  on  himself  to  sign  current  reports 
from  the  civil  and  military  Cabinet  under  the 
inscription  By  Supreme  Command.  If  he  also 
began  to  deal  with  real  matters  of  State,  the 
Crown  Prince  would  undoubtedly  find  it  even  more 
difficult  to  reconcile  himself  to  the  position.  It 
would  look  as  if  they  were  trying  to  replace  him'. 
Therefore  the  Kaiser  considered  it  would  be  best 
to  keep  to  the  old  plan,  except  that  during  the 
course  of  the  winter  Prince  William  should  have 
opportunities  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  work 
of  the  Treasury,  the  Foreign  Office,  and  perhaps 
also  the  Home  Office,  the  work  in  the  first  instance 
to  be  voluntary.  "  I  beg  you  to  give  me  your 
opinion  on  this  matter,"  he  concluded  in  a  letter 
that  bears  traces  of  increasing  feebleness  both  of 
heart  and  brain. 


FATHER   AND   SON  23 

Bismarck  gave  no  answer,  very  naturally  because 
he  could  not  well  make  any  objection  to  the  pro- 
posal, and  the  aged  Kaiser  did  not  return  to  the 
matter. 

Four  months  later  William  I  was  no  more.  On 
the  throne,  stricken  by  a  mortal  illness,  was  his 
son,  who  had  returned  from  San  Remo  as  Kaiser 
Frederick  III. 

It  was  a  strange  situation,  and  one  to  arouse 
compassion  even  in  a  nation  whose  feudal  tradi- 
tions were  less  marked  than  those  of  Germany., 
Crown  Prince  William  correctly  expressed  these 
feelings  during  an  after-dinner  speech,  when  he 
was  Bismarck's  guest  on  the  occasion  of  the  latter's 
seventy-third  birthday :  — 

"  To  use  a  military  illustration,  we  are  in  the 
position  of  a  regiment  advancing  to  the  attack. 
The  commander  has  fallen  and  the  second  in  com- 
mand lies  dangerously  wounded.  In  this  critical 
moment  forty-six  million  faithful  German  hearts 
turn  anxiously  and  hopefully  to  the  flag  and  its 
bearer  and  depend  entirely  on  him.  The  standard- 
bearer  is  our  distinguished  Prince,  our  great 
Chancellor.  May  he  lead  us.  We  will  follow  him. 
Long  may  he  live  1  " 

The  ninety-nine  days  that  composed  the  reign 
of  Frederick  III  were  marked  by  so  many  tragic 
details,  both  bodily  and  spiritual,  such  great  and 
heroic  suffering,  and  such  slight  comforts  and  con- 
solations, that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  find  any 
parallel  to  them. 

The  new  Kaiser  reached  Berlin  on  March  i  ith 
— two  days  after  his  father's  death — so  sorely 
stricken  by  his  terrible  throat  affection  that,   for 


24  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

the  time  being,  he  was  not  able,  or  at  le^st  was 
not  allowed,  to  speak.  One  of  the  first  things 
that  had  to  be  announced  to  the  nation  was  that 
the  ceremony  of  taking  the  oath  was  postponed 
indefinitely.  But  outwardly  he  was  hardly  changed 
— his  attitude  erect,  his  step  remarkably  elastic  ; 
only  his  face  was  paler. 

His  proclamation  to  "  iny  people  "  (i.e.  the 
Prussians)  was  characterized  by  the  strength  of 
will  and  spirit  that  supported  him  throughout  his 
illness,  and  in  his  rescript  to  Bismarck  of  the  same 
date  there  is  an  unqualified  recognition  of  the 
Chancellor's  great  services  in  the  cause  of  national 
unity,  and,  above  all,  of  his  guiding  influence  upon 
the  late  Emperor.  One  is  involuntarily  tempted 
to  institute  a  comparison  between  this  view  and 
that  which  was  subsequently  expressed  by  the 
present  Kaiser.  The  Emperor  Frederick  regarded 
Bismarck  as  his  father's  "  brave  and  faithful  coun- 
sellor, who  inspired  his  political  aims  and  secured 
for  them  a  happy  realization."  William  II  again 
and  again  during  his  twenty-five  years  of  rule 
has  tried  to  establish  an  idea  that  is  quite  without 
historic  foundation — namely,  that  his  grandfather 
was  the  original  spirit  with  the  wide  outlook,  and 
that  he  took  Bismarck  into  his  service  at  the  right 
psychological  moment  so  that  the  Chancellor  might 
embody  those  great  thoughts  that  had  so  long 
been  prepared  in  his   royal  mind. 

The  remainder  of  the  rescript  refers  in  an  impar- 
tial manner  to  various  social  questions,  with  an 
emphasis  upon  education  in  particular — as  being 
the  most  important  of  all  for  the  younger  genera- 
tion.     It    'is    also,   interesting   to    note    that    it    is 


FATHER   AND   SON  25 

the  Kaiser's  hope  that  he  "  may  be  able  to  assist 
the  development  of  German  arts  and  sciences  to 
that  high  level  of  which  they  now  give  such  ample 
promise."  But  above  all,  he  says,  without  con- 
cerning himself  'about  the  glamour  of  great  deeds 
and  the  fame  that  comes  from  them,  he  will  be 
content  if  some  day  it  may  be  said  of  his  govern- 
ment that  "  it  was  beneficial  to  my  people,  useful 
to  my  country,  and  a  blessing  to  my  kingdom." 

As  we  "know,  it  was  not  long  before  this  admir- 
able conception,  with  its  many  fair  hopes,  was 
laid  aside  for  ever  ;  but  the  support  that  was 
granted  to  it,  the  opposition  it  encountered,  and 
the  bitterness  which  characterized  public  life  in 
Germany  during  the  period  between  William  I 
and  William  II  are  the  best  proofs  of  the  con- 
flicting ideas  that  prevailed  at  that  time.  There 
were,  in  fact,  two  ways  of  looking  at  life — repre- 
sented by  the  Emperor  Frederick  and  the  Crown 
Prince  William — which  clashed  with  one  another, 
and  it  is  rerriarkable  that  it  was  the  older  man's 
idea  that  was  most  friendly  to  progress  and 
development.  In  their  youth  the  Emperor 
Frederick  and  his  contemporaries  had  seen  the 
powerlessness  of  kn  absolute  monarch  by  Divine 
right,  and  they  had  learned  to  value  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  power  of  the  people  and  the  unlimited 
creative  forces  which  exist  in  a  nation.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Crown  Prince  and  the  men  of 
his  age  had  their  impressions  formed  at  a  time 
when  the  will  of  the  people  had  been  checked 
and  one  single  overwhelming  personality  in  his 
own  self -chosen  way — "  not  with  speeches  and  the 
voice  of  the  majority,  but  with  blood  and  iron  " — 


26  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

had  led  the  nation  forward  into  that  unity  for  which 
it  had  yearned  during  so  many  years  and  which  it 
had  despaired  of  ever  seeing. 

As  far  as  Bismarck  was  concerned,  he  was  then, 
as  always,  quite  determined  to  have  a  free  hand 
at  home  and  abroad,  or,  as  he  himself  said,  "  No 
parhamentary  government  and  no  outside  inter- 
ference in  politics."  Such  were  his  conditions  even 
three  years  before,  when  for  a  time  it  seemed  as  if 
the  old  Kaiser  would  succumb  to  an  illhess  from 
which  he  was  then  suffering.  In  the  eyes  of  both 
parties,  therefore,  Bismarck  was  the  man  who  first 
and  foremost  must  be  defeated.  Those  who  placed 
their  hopes  on  Kaiser  Frederick  saw  in  the  Chan- 
cellor the  greatest  supporter  of  reaction.  Those 
who  expected  everything  from  the  Crown  Prince, 
more  from  personal  than  political  reasons,  regiarded 
Bismarck  as  the  most  decided  impediment  in  the 
way  of  the  realization  of  their  plans.  Even  at  this 
stage  there  were  germs  of  those  intrigues  which 
we  shall  refer  to  again  later. 

It  is  useless  to  speculate  as  to  how  things  would 
have  developed  had  Kaiser  Frederick  lived  to 
realize  his  political  hopes.  On  the  whole,  he 
appears  to  have  aimed  at  a  gradual  change  of 
German  administrative  and  social  life  in  a  demo- 
cratic direction.  But  it  is  unnecessary  to  state  that 
in  such  a  task  he  would  have  encountered  enormous 
difficulties,  considering  the  state  of  things  in 
Germany  at  that  time.  Then  came  death— on 
June  15,  1888 — and  set  its  inexorable  seal  on 
all. 

The  memoirs  of  the  Empress  Frederick,  which 
are  still  awaiting  publication^  will  some  day  reveal 


FATHER   AND   SON  27 

to  the  world  what  she  and  her  husband  strove  for 
during  those  many  years,  and  what  were  the  plans 
that  had  to  he  laid  aside  for  ever,  without  hope 
of  resurrection  in  the  man  who  succeeded  to  the 
throne. 


CHAPTER    III 
THE   YOUNG   RULER 

Four  months  before  his  accession,  when  he  was 
still  only  Prince  William,  speaking  at  a  banquet 
given  in  honour  of  representatives  of  the  province 
of  Brandenburg,  the  future  Kaiser  protested  most 
energetically  against  those  bellicose  descriptions 
of  himself  that  were  current  both  at  home  and 
abroad. 

"  I  am  well  aware,"  he  said,  "  that  the  public 
at  large — particularly  in  foreign  countries — credits 
me  with  ambitious  and  warlike  thoughts.  May 
God  keep  me  from  such  criminal  folly  !  .  .  .  Yet, 
gentlemen,  I  am  a  soldier." 

This  little  speech  is  reminiscent  of  the  well- 
known  "  Prologue  "  in  the  classic  tragedies.  In 
the  Prologue  strange  contradictions  are  indicated 
which  lead  up  to  and  foreshadow  the  inevitable 
climax.  Here  was  a  young,  untried  man,  who 
already  looked  upon  himself  as  a  misjudged  indi- 
vidual, and  who  was  fully  determined  to  convince 
the  world  that  he  was  better  than  his  reputation. 
"  Yet,   gentlemen,   I   am   a   soldier." 

In  European  diplomatic  circles  there  was  both 
uncertainty  and  anxiety  at  the  time  of  the  new 
Kaiser's  accession,  and  the  leading  articles  in  the 

38 


THE   YOUNG    RULER  29 

principal  newspapers  of  the  world — outside  Ger- 
many— show  the  same  feeling.  Even  if  he  did 
not  become  a  disturber  of  the  peace  in  the  literal 
sense,  there  was  a  very  strong  possibility  that 
he  might  bring  into  international  politics  an  element 
of  restlessness  that  was  likely  to  create  appre- 
hension. It  was,  therefore,  a  comfort  to  know 
that  old  Bismarck  stood  at  the  helm,  and  that 
on  account  of  "  the  deep,  almost  passionate 
admiration  which  the  young  Kaiser  felt  for  him, 
he  was  likely  to  enjoy  unlimited  authority  for 
some   considerable    time   at    least." 

But  there  were  some  who  knew  that  this  was 
a  mistaken  supposition.  The  Kaiser  and  his 
Chancellor  would  only  work  together  for  a  short 
time,  and  then  some  fine  morning  his  Majesty's 
"  hasty  temperament  and  military  zeal  "  would 
result   in    Bismarck's    dismissal. 

These  characteristics  revealed  themselves  in  a 
remarkable  way  at  the  very  moment  Kaiser 
Frederick  expired.  Hardly  had  the  Royal  Standard 
on  the  castle  of  Sans  Souci  been  lowered  in  token 
of  what  had  taken  place,  when  troops,  who  had 
been  awaiting  orders,  came  hastening  from  all 
sides  as  if  to  an  assault,  and  guarded  all  the 
gates.  The  whole  of  the  palace,  park,  and  court- 
yard resembled  a  fortified  camp.  The  result  was 
that  the  most  extraordinary  rumours  spread,  and 
when  at  the  same  time  several  of  the  railway- 
stations  on  the  lines  leading  to  Sans  Souci  were 
occupied  by  considerable  forces  of  secret  police, 
these  "  conspicuous  precautions,"  as  the  Berliner 
Tageblatt  termed  them,  "  gave  rise  to  all  kinds 
of  disquieting  comments."     The  whole   thing  was 


30  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

quite  incomprehensible  to  the  loyal  citizens  of 
Berlin,  who  had  shown  the  most  unmistakable 
tokens  of  sympathy  with  the  Royal  House  in  its 
grief. 

On  this  very  same  day  the  new  Kaiser  again 
awakened  surprise  by  issuing  his  two  famous 
proclamations  to  the  Army  and  the  Navy,  a 
breach  of  the  tradition  that  first  of  all  a 
monarch  should  always  address  himself  to  his 
whole  people. 

The  first  of  these  proclamations  ran  :  "A  firm, 
invincible  devotion  to  the  War-Lord  is  the  inherit- 
ance 'of  the  Army,  descending  froim  father  to  son 
from  generation  to  generation.  Thus  are  we  bound 
together,  I  and  my  Army.  We  were  born  for 
one  another,  and  we  will  hold  inseparably  together 
whether   God   send   us   days   of  peace   or   strife." 

In  his  proclamation  to  the  Navy,  after  referrinjg 
to  the  warm  interest  he  had  taken  in  it  for  many 
years,  he  concluded  with  phrases  almost  identical 
with  the  above  :  "  We  will  hold  together  through 
good  and  evil  days  alike,  through  sunshine  and 
through  storm." 

Three  days  later  only  he  had  a  word  to  say  to 
"  My  People  " — that  is,  the  Prussians.  It  was  a 
proclamation  in  the  style  of  a  sovereign  of  the 
seventeenth  or  eighteenth  century,  in  which  he 
vowed  toi  be  "a  just  and  merciful  prince,  to 
promote  piety  and  the  fear  of  God,  to  maintain 
peace,  and  to  further  the  prosperity  of  the  country." 
In  contrast  to  the  address  made  by  his  father, 
however,  that  of  the  young  Kaiser  did  not  contain 
a  single  political  allusion,  and  it  was  not  until 
his    speech    from    the    throne    at    the    opening    of 


THE   YOUNG   RULER  31 

the  Reichstag  that  he  disclosed  any  plans  of 
government   in   the   usual   sense   of  the  word. 

"  The  German  Kaiser's  most  important  task," 
he  said,  "is  to  establish  the  political  and  military- 
position  of  the  Empire  abroad,  and  secure  strict 
obedience  to  the  laws  at  home."  In  the  sphere 
of  home  politics,  he  promised  to  continue  the  work 
of  social  legislation  that  his  grandfather  had  in- 
augurated, and  hoped  that  by  those  means  he 
would  be  able  to  give  to  the  poorer  classes  the 
help  they  needed  in  their  struggle  for  existence. 
There  is  one  passage  which  shows  that  Stoecker 
had  not  been  his  friend  and  companion  in  vain. 
All  reforms  were  to  be  made  "  in  conformity  with 
the  precepts  of  Christianity."  It  is  true  that  some 
years  later  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  "  Chris- 
tian Socialism  is  an  absurdity,  and  that  a  priest 
least  of  all  should  hold  such  opinions,"  but  as  a 
matter  of  fact  he  has  always  worked  in  that  direc- 
tion,  although   with  purely  negative   results. 

Outwardly  the  Kaiser  was  the  personification 
of  a  pad  fist  e. 

"  I  am  fully  determined  to  keep  peace  with 
each  and  all,"  he  said,  "  as  long  as  it  lies  within 
my  power  to  do  so.  My  devotion  to  the  German 
Army,  and  the  position  I  hold  in  it,  will  never 
tempt  me  to  forfeit  the  blessings  of  peace,  unless 
war  be  forced  upon  us  as  a  necessity  by  some 
attack  upon  our  kingdom  or  our  allies.  Our  Army 
will  secure  peace  for  us.  It  is  far  from  my  heart 
to  wish  to  employ  our  strength  in  attacking  others  ; 
Germany  needs  no  more  glory  and  no  fresh  con- 
quests, now  that  once  and  for  all  she  has  won 
the  'right  to  exist  as  a  free  and  independent  nation." 


32  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

He  regarded  Germany's  alliance  with  Austria  and 
Italy  as  a  specially  fortunate  thing,  for  it  would 
enable  'him  to  "  cultivate  personal  friendship  with 
the  Tsar  of  Russia,  and  promote  those  friendly 
relations  with  the  Russian  Empire  that  have  existed 
for  a  hundred  years." 

The  members  of  the  Reichstag  were  deeply 
impressed. 

These  remarks  were  inspired  by  his  grandfather, 
who  on  his  death-bed  had  bidden  his  grandson 
always  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  the  Tsar, 
and  by  Bismarck,  whose  policy  tended  uniformly 
in  that  direction.  Therefore  the  applause  was 
great  when  the  Kaiser  concluded  his  oration,  and 
when  'he  and  Bismarck  shook  hands  "  the  scene," 
in  the  words  of  a  correspondent  who  was  present, 
"  made  a  deep  impresssion  upon  the  House,  afford- 
ing as  it  did  a  proof  of  the  Kaiser's  unchanged 
confidence   in   his    Chancellor." 

Three  weeks  later  the  Kaiser  was  at  Kiel. 

In  a  diary  '  of  that  time,  under  date  July  14th, 
we  have  the  historic  information  that  for  the  first 
time  a  German  King  and  Kaiser  appeared  in  an 
Admiral's  uniform  when  visiting  his  fleet.  On 
the  'other  hand,  it  only  appears  from  the  entriesi 
for  the  rest  of  the  month  that  this  visit  to  Kiel 
formed  the  starting-point  of  an  official  tour — the 
first  of  those  many  official  tours  which  in  the 
tourse  lof  time  the  Kaiser  was  to  make  to  the 
Courts    of   foreign    potentates. 

'  In  this  diary,  which  embraces  the  years  1 888-1908,  and 
which  was  edited  by  the  historian  E.  Schroder,  nach  Hof-und 
anderen  Berichten,  as  tlie  Editor  says,  the  Kaiser  has  gleichsam 
sich  selber  geschrieben. 


THE   YOUNG    RULER  33 

On  this  occasion  the  visit  was  to  Russia,  the 
initiative  being  from  Berlin,  as  was  repeatedly 
stated  in  the  German  Government  Press.  But  the 
strained  relations  that  had  so  long  existed  between 
Germany  and  Russia,  and  which  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1888  threatened  open  rupture,  showed 
no  signs  of  relaxing.  More  than  usual  notice 
was  taken  of  the  fact  that  the  official  after-dinner 
speeches,  at  the  family  banquets  at  Peterhof,  were 
not  published  either  at  the  time  or  afterwards, 
and  that  the  Russian  Press  exhibited  no  signs 
of  joy  or  gratitude  in  connection  with  the  visit. 
It  was,  indeed,  more  inclined  to  strike  a  note  of 
irony,  which  grated  upon  the  ears  of  Berlin.  Need- 
less to  say,  this  did  not  pass  unnoticed,  and  in  an 
anything  but  friendly  article  the  official  Nord- 
deatsche  allgemeine  Zeitung  declared  that  the 
Russians  were  very  much  mistaken  if  they  con- 
cluded from  the  visit  that  official  circles  in  Berlin 
felt  any  greater  desire  for  a  better  understanding 
between  the  two  countries  than  was  felt  in  St. 
Petersburg.  "  It  is  an  exaggeration  dictated  by 
Asiatic   ignorance   and   Asiatic   pride." 

But  it  was  not  enough  to  give  a  reply  to  Russia. 
France,  too,  must  be  made  to  understand  that,  not- 
withstanding all  the  Kaiser's  peaceful  intentions, 
Germany  had  no  idea  of  showing  any  sentimental 
generosity.  While  unveiling  a  monument  to  his 
grandfather's  nephew,  the  famous  general  Prince 
Frederick  Charles,  on  the  eighteenth  anniversary 
of  the  battle  of  Mars-la-Tours,  the  Kaiser  spoke 
out  quite  plainly.  "  I  believe,"  he  said,  "  that  we 
of  the  3rd  Army  Corps,  and  indeed  the  whole 
Army,  know  that  there  can  be  only  one  opinion 

4 


34  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

on  this  point,  namely  that  we  would  rather  see 
our  eighteen  army  corps  and  our  whole  popula- 
tion of  forty-two  million  '  men  perish  on  the  field 
of  battle,  than  give  up  a  single  stone  of  vvhat  my 
grandfather  and  Prince  Frederick  Charles  have 
won   in  fight." 

This  statement  is  worth  remembering  as  the 
first  'example  of  that  unconsidered,  spontaneous 
eloquence  which  in  the  course  of  time  has  awakened 
so  much  comment  both  in  Germany  and  elsewhere, 
and  \vhich  has  given  diplomatists  so  many  a 
troubled  hour. 

The  Kaiser  came  back  from  his  Russian  tour, 
during  which  he  had  seized  the  opportunity  of 
paying  official  visits  to  Stockholm  and  Copen- 
hagen, as  boisterous  as  a  schoolboy  after  a  good 
holiday. 

He  rushed  at  once  to  Friedrichsruhe  to  tell  the 
Chancellor  all  about  it.  Bismarck  was  standing 
half  dressed  by  his  washbasin  when  the  Kaiser, 
who  had  passed  the  night  at  Friedrichsruhe, 
walked  into  the  Chancellor's  bedroom  in  the 
early  morning.  Bismarck  wanted  to  put  on  his 
uniform,  but  the  Kaiser  begged  him  not  to  take  that 
trouble,  and  helped  him  into  his  dressing-gown. 

It  was  an  incomparable  morning  idyll  with  a 
.touch  of  political  artlessness  about  it,  "as  if," 
Bismarck  said,  "  a  young  student  who  had  no 
personal  knowledge  of  people  over  thirty  years 
of  age  should  confess  before  an  example  of  the 
species  :  '  This  is  the  first  old  man  I  have  found 
intelligent.'  " 

^  In  a  previous  speech  the  Kaiser  estimated  the  number  as 
forty-six  millions. 


THE   YOUNG   RULER  35 

This  description  is  a  typical  example  of 
Bismarck's  masterly  talent  in  giving  an  impres- 
sion, and  its  historic  interest  is  increased  by  the 
circumstance  that  the  little  scene  gives  us  a  date 
upon  which  to  base  our  decision  as  to  the  time  when 
the  intrigues  against  the  Chancellor  first  began. 

For  the  time  being,  however,  the  Kaiser  had 
other  things  to  think  of  than  disposing  of  Bismarck. 
There  were  still  many  people  to  visit — the  German 
Confederate  Princes,  the  members  of  the  Triple 
Alliance — to  say  nothing  of  England  and  Greece, 
where  lived  some  of  his  nearest  relatives.  God 
only  knew  whether  he  could  get  it  all  into  one 
year.  Then  there  was  the  grand  autumn  parade 
of  the  Guards,  a  military  spectacle  with  extensive 
manoeuvres  and  marches,  the  whole  thing  lasting 
many  days — presentations  of  colours,  regimental 
lunches,  shoo^ting  parties,  baptisms  of  princes, 
review  of  the  fleet  at  Wilhelmshaven,  opening  the 
free  harbour  at  Hamburg,  laying  the  foundation 
stone  of  the  Law  Courts  at  Leipzig,  and  the  recep- 
tion at  Breslau  of  a  deputation  of  Protestant  and 
Catholic   workmen's   associations. 

The  diary  shows  how  strenuously  he  worked. 
In  August  he  had  fourteen  days  engaged,  in  Sep- 
tember fifteen,  in  October  twenty.  He  paid  official 
visits  to  Dresden,  Munich,  and  Stuttgart,  and  did 
not  forget  that  in  his  capacity  of  Prince  in  the 
German  confederation  he  was  a  colleague  of  Prince 
Lippe  Detmold,  and  went  to  visit  him  at  his 
diminutive  capital.  During  the  same  autumn  he 
officially  visited  Vienna  and  Rome,  and  took  the 
opportunity  of  seeing  other  parts  of  Austria  and 
Italy. 


36  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

The  visit  to  Vienna  was  not  entirely  successful. 
He  appeared  to  distribute  arbitrarily  from  his  stores 
of  decorations,  and  created  a  somewhat  painful 
impression  by  altogether  omitting  the  Austrian 
Prime  Minister,  Count  Taaffe,  who,  on  account 
of  his  position,  was  entitled  to  a  decoration  as  a 
matter  of  course.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Kaiser 
was  a  success  in  Italy.  At  a  banquet  in  the 
Quirinal  he  reminded  King  Humbert  that  "  our 
countries  have  both  fought  for  their  national  unity, 
sword  in  hand,  under  the  command  of  great 
leaders,"  and  during  a  visit  to  the  Vatican  he 
had  a  long  talk  with  that  shrewd  judge  of  men 
Pope  Leo  XIII,  who  no  doubt  made  his  silent 
observations. 

Centuries  had  passed  since  Rome  had  been 
visited  by  an  emperor,  and  the  actual  visit  recalled 
the  memory  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  the  German- 
Roman  Empire  with  the  same  Emperor  on  both 
sides  of  the  Alps.  Rome  was  so  delighted  that 
it  even  tried  to  conceal  its  ruins  with  decorations 
of  flags  and  streamers,  and  the  new  Ceesar's  name 
was  inscribed  upon  a  marble  tablet  on  the  Capitol. 
The  via  triiimphalis,  however,  went  even  farther. 
At  Castellamare  he  witnessed  the  launching  of  the 
ironclad  Umberto,  and,  in  the  company  of  the 
King  of  Italy,  attended  a  naval  review  of  more 
than  forty  battleships.  At  Naples  he  won  the 
hearts  of  that  colour-loving  population,  who,  since 
the  days  of  Joachim  Murat,  had  not  seen  a 
sovereign  with  so  many  gorgeous  uniforms.  He 
changed  from  one  to  another  :  white  cuirassier, 
black  hussar,  red  hussar,  general  or  admiral  of 
the   fleet.      All  about   him   rose   a   perfect  tumult 


THE   YOUNG   RULER  37 

of  cheering,  and  the  royal  phenomenon  disappeared 
in  k  maze  of  colour. 

A  clever  Italian  journalist,  who  took  service 
as  a  waiter  on  board  the  Savoy,  tells  us  that  the 
Kaiser  simply  overwhelmed  his  princely  hosts.  He 
persecuted  the  Prince  of  Naples — ^now  King  Victor 
Emanuel — by  all  kinds  of  practical  jokes,  and, 
for  instance,  squeezed  his  hand  so  hard  under 
the  table  that  the  Prince  could  hardly  conceal  his 
pain.  He  made  fun  of  the  very  high  forehead  of 
Signor  Saint  Bon — a  member  of  the  present  Italian 
Government — and  descanted  with  enthusiasm  on 
Vesuvius,  with  its  column  of  smoke  rising  straight 
upwards,  "because,"  as  Prince  Henry  said, 
"  there  is  no  wind."  Finally  he  clinked 
glasses  with  Crispi,  drained  his  glass,  dashed 
it  on  the  ground  and  looked  smiling  round  the 
company. 

A  little  later  a  flotilla  of  torpedo-boats  passed 
by.  The  Kaiser  was  now  on  the  bridge,  and  also 
the  clever  journalist.  "  Up  to  that  moment,"  he 
says,  "  I  had  admired  the  Kaiser's  versatile  spright- 
liness,  his  infectious  mirth,  and  warm-hearted 
manner  ;  but  now  I  was  struck  by  an  indescribable 
expression  on  his  face  as  he  stood  upright  on  the 
bridge,  one  hand  resting  on  his  sword,  and  the 
telescope  held  in  the  other.  .  .  .  There  was  no 
jesting  then,  no  more  laughter.  The  Kaiser  was 
under  the  spell  of  two  emotions  :  the  beauty  of 
the  Bay  of  Naples  and  the  splendour  of  the  war- 
ships as  they  glided  past.  At  that  moment  the 
artist  in  him  was  combined  with  the  strategist, 
and  it  was  impossible  to  say  which  of  the  two 
had  the  upper  hand." 


38  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

In  Germany,  however,  where  the  official  news- 
papers were  conscientiously  reporting  all  these 
occurrences,  the  public  in  general  apparently  failed 
to  appreciate  this  extraordinary  activity  which  was 
always  on  the  move  ;  for  instead  of  eagerly  fol- 
lowing his  movements  on  land  and  sea,  or  of 
enjoying  details  of  parades  and  banquets,  shoot- 
ing parties  and  gala  performances,  naval  reviews 
and  manoeuvres,  the  people  were  busy  reading 
certain  indiscreet  revelations  which  had  recently 
been  published  by  Dr.  Robert  Geffcken  in  the 
Deutsche  Rundschau,  under  the  title  of  "  Diaries 
of  the  Emperor  Frederick."  The  authenticity  of 
this  work  has  never  been  contested,  and  its 
publication  was  undoubtedly  the  sensation  of  the 
year. 

The  Kaiser  was  what  the  Germans  call  sittlich 
entriistet,^  and  in  a  speech  to  a  deputation  from 
the  Berlin  City  Council,  delivered  immediately  after 
his  return  from  Italy,  he  gave  his  countrymen — 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Berlin  in  particular — a  piece 
of  his  mind. 

The  City  Council  had  decided  to  vote  a  sum 
of  500,000  marks  for  a  charitable  institution  that 
was  to  bear  the  name  of  the  Emperor  Frederick, 
and  in  addition  to  erect  a  monument  in  his  honour 
by  public  subscription.  The  latter  in  particular 
was  an  unusual  form  of  homage,  and  in  official 
circles  it  was  actually  regarded  as  an  impertinence. 
The  reception  accorded  to  the  deputation  when 
it  came  with  its  double  gift  was  therefore  anything 
but  encouraging. 

"  Here   I    am,"   the   Kaiser   said,    "  endangering 

'  Deeply  insulted. 


THE   YOUNG   RULER  39 

my  health  and  exhausting  all  my  powers  in  the 
effort  to  establish  friendly  relations  and  thereby 
further  the  peace  and  progress  of  my  country 
and  its  capital,  and  the  Press  of  my  own  capital, 
where  I  have  my  seat  of  residence,  has  dragged 
my  family  affairs  before  the  public,  and  spoken 
of  them  in  a  way  that  no  private  citizen  would 
suffer  for  one  instant.  .  .  .  And  especially  I  beg 
that  in  future  you  will  refrain  from  quoting  miy 
father  against  me.  It  hurts  me  as  a  son  most 
deeply,  and  is  highly  unbecoming  in  itself."  He 
added,  with  an  unmistakable  indirect  threat  to 
Berlin  :  "  Should  I  decide  to  reside  at  Berlin, 
I  shall  cherish  the  expectation  tliat  the  Press 
will  cease  to  discuss  the  private  affairs  of  my 
family." 

It  is  unnecessary  to  state  that  this  extraordinary 
speech  made  a  considerable  sensation,  and  the 
effect  of  it  was  markedly  increased  by  the  Kaiser 
leaving  the  hall  forthwith,  neither  shaking  hands 
with  the  chief  burgomaster  nor  allowing  the 
members  of  the  deputation  to  be  presented  to 
him.  The  German  Conservatives  made  some  party 
capital  out  of  the  incident,  which  they  used  in 
their  campaign  against  the  "  Liberals,"  and  the 
Kolnische  Zeitung  in  particular  was  delighted  at 
the  manner  in  which  the  Kaiser  on  that  occasion 
"  had  torn  the  mask  from  the  Berlin  Liberals  in 
their  patent  leather  boots."  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Liberals  knew  quite  well  that  it  was  pre- 
cisely the  semi-official  newspapers  which  had  been 
most  eager  to  drag  into  public  notice  all  the  various 
details  of  the  dissensions  within  the  Royal  Family 
respecting     Kaiser     Frederick's     illness     and     the 


40  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

medical  treatments  employed.  They  therefore  con- 
sidered that  it  was  perfectly  unwarrantable  of  the 
Kaiser  to  vituperate  the  leading  representative  of 
the  Liberal  City  Council,  Who  had  no  part  in 
the  matter,  and  could  not  therefore  be  held  respon- 
sible in  any  way  for  what  was  written  in  the 
Opposition  Press. 

The  same  views  were  expressed  in  a  very  sharp 
article  by  the  Times  correspondent  at  Vienna,  who 
criticized  in  detail  the  short  reign  of  the  Kaiser. 
His  opinion  was  that  the  latter 's  attitude  towards 
foreign  sovereigns  and  leading  statesmen  had  been 
unfortunate  throughout,  and  that  the  Imperial  visits 
had  served  rather  to  create  difficulties  than  to 
bridge  them  over.  As  far  as  the  Times  itself 
was  concerned,  it  entertained  no  doubt  "  that 
certain  aspects  of  the  Kaiser's  conduct  are  un- 
doubtedly open  to  criticism  .  .  .  notably  his  treat- 
ment of  Count  Taaffe,"  but  it  also  admits  that 
"  his  popularity  in  his  own  country  has  not  so 
far  suffered  any  diminution." 

In  a  kindly  spirit  judgment  was  reserved.  The 
results,  however,  of  all  the  Kaiser's  efiforts  scarcely 
came  up  to  the  expectations  they  had  raised.  At 
the  close  of  the  year  there  was  not  one  single 
European  authority  who  ventured  to  assert  that 
the  diplomatic  system  which  had  created  the 
Triple  Alliance  had  gained  any  sign  of  fresh 
life,  or  that  Germany  had  won  a  single  new 
friend. 

Yet  whatever  might  be  thought  and  said  in 
Europe,  the  Kaiser  still  had  Bismarck  by  his 
side. 

"  This   thought  suffuses  me  with  joy  and  com- 


THE  YOUNG   RULER  41 

fort,"  he  writes  to  him  in  an  autograph  letter  at 
the  New  Year.  **  I  hope  before  God  that  for 
many  years  to  come  I  may  still  be  permitted  to 
work  beside  you  for  the  honour  and  advancement 
of   the   Fatherland." 


CHAPTER    IV 

JOURNEYS  AND   INTRIGUES 

The  Kaiser  entered  upon  the  New  Year  in  the 
firm  conviction  that  he  had  secured  the  peace  of 
Europe  for  a  long  time  to  come.  But  the  year 
1889  showed  many  threatening  clouds,  and  as 
he  had  still  a  number  of  visits  to  be  paid,  his 
course  of  action  was  plain.  This  was  again  "  to 
risk  his  health  and  all  his  powers  in  order  to 
secure  new  friendships,"  or,  in  other  words,  to  set 
out  on  new  journeys. 

Owing  to  a  number  of  circumstances,  however, 
these  journeys  were  considerably  delayed.  But 
after  having  fitted  in  during  July  the  first  of 
those  many  tours  in  Norway  which  during  the 
following  twenty-five  years  were  to  become  an 
integral  part  of  his  annual  programme,  he  did 
not  delay  one  moment  in  following  out  the  scheme 
of  the  preceding  year. 

This  time  he  went  to  England,  where  he  passed 
the  first  nine  days  of  August.  The  visit  was  not 
official  ;  but  its  private  character  did  not  diminish 
the  homage  accorded  to  him  both  by  the  authori- 
ties and  the  general  public.  He  was  made  an 
Admiral  of  the  British  Fleet,  an  honour  which 
he  retained  till  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War  and 


JOURNEYS   AND   INTRIGUES  43 

which,  according  to  his  own  words,  he  always 
valued  very  highly.  In  return  he  appointed  his 
septuagenarian  grandmother  honorary  Colonel  of 
the  First  Regiment  of  Guards,  and  wired  to  Berlin 
ordering  a  detachment  from  the  regiment  to  leave 
at  once  for  England  "  to  present  itself  before 
its  royal  chief."  A  few  days  later,  in  the  com- 
pany of  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  he  was  present 
at  the  manoeuvres  at  Aldershot,  in  which  29,000 
men  took  part.  At  the  subsequent  luncheon  in 
the  Duke's  tent  he  made  a  speech  couched  in 
terms  of  the  most  unqualified  admiration  of  the 
British  Army.  He  reminded  his  audience  of  the 
British  and  German  troops  on  the  battlefields  of 
Malplaquet  and  Waterloo,  and  in  words  which 
ought  to  be  remembered  to-day  he  said  :  "  The 
British  troops  filled  me  with  the  highest  admira- 
tion. If  ever  the  worth  of  volunteers  should  be 
doubted,  I  shall  be  able  to  stand  forth  as  a  witness 
of  their  efficiency." 

Two  days  later  he  embarked  at  Dover,  reach- 
ing Berlin  on  August  iith.  He  was  just  able 
to  make  time  for  a  single  conversation  with 
Bismarck  on  some  important  matters.  On  the 
following  day  he  had  to  go  to  the  Tiergarten 
railway-station  to  receive  the  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph  on  his  official  visit,  a  return  for  the  Kaiser's 
visit  to  Vienna  the  year  before.  At  the  State 
banquet  the  Kaiser  in  his  speech  reminded  his 
guest  of  the  Austro-German  alliance  and  of  the 
"  gallant  armies  who  are  jointly  responsible  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  peace  of  Europe  and  who 
may  have  to  fight  shoulder  to  shoulder,  if  Provi- 
dence should  so  ordain." 


44  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

Another  couple  of  days,  and  he  accompanied  his 
guest  to  the  railway-station  again  ;  and  after 
that  for  nearly  two  months  he  was  touring  through 
Baden,  Alsace-Lorraine,  Westphalia,  Saxony,  Han- 
over, Schwerin.  He  was  present  at  an  incredible 
number  of  manoeuvres  and  parades,  took  part  in 
sham  fights  and  sieges,  went  stag-hunting,  received 
deputations  and  torchlight  processions,  and  de- 
livered a  long -succession  of  official  speeches  on 
the  standing  theme  of  "  the  unity  and  greatness 
of  Germany,"  listened  to  Wagner's  "  Meister- 
singer  "  and  to  the  latest  pattern  of  Mr.  Edison's 
phonograph. 

The  Tsar's  visit  to  Berlin  on  October  i  ith  re- 
called him  to  the  capital,  where  he  had  already 
spent  a  day  or  two  between  his  various  journeys. 
Judging  from  the  Diary,  the  Imperial  visit  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  particularly  successful.  Only 
three  things  are  mentioned  :  arrival,  shooting- 
party,  departure.  There  is  not  a  single  other 
remark   about   either   himself  or  his   guest. 

After  having  seen  the  Tsar  off,  he  set  out  for 
Greece.  His  sister  Sophia  was  about  to  be  mar- 
ried to  the  Duke  of  Sparta — afterwards  King 
Constantine  of  Greece,  an  event  destined  to  have 
grave  historical  consequences.  The  old  Empress 
Augusta,  the  Kaiser's  grandmother,  could  not 
understand  what  was  to  be  gained  by  this 
journey.  In  fact,  her  opinion  was  that  her 
grandson  travelled  far  too  much,  apart  from 
the  fact  that  this  visit  was  sure  to  be  too  expen- 
sive to  the  Greek  Court.  But  to  the  young  Kaiser 
it  evidently  meant  the  realization  of  a  beautiful 
dream. 


JOURNEYS  AND    INTRIGUES  45 

"My  first  words  to  the  Fatherland,"  he  wires 
to  Bismarck  from  Athens,  "  are  a  greeting  to  you 
from  the  city  of  Pericles  and  from  the  columns 
of  the  Parthenon,  This  magnificent  vision  has 
impressed  me  deeply."  Further  telegrams  follow 
— from  Constantinople  and  Corfu — for  on  this  tour 
he  made  up  his  mind  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Sultan, 
a  monarch  whose  capital  used  not  to  be  included 
in  the  programme  of  Imperial  visits.  But  the 
visit  had  a  political  aim,  the  inauguration  of  the 
German  Balkan  policy — the  importance  of  which 
policy  is  being  daily  demonstrated  in  the  Great 
War. 

Abdul  Hamid  and  William  II  became  friends 
for  life,  and  in  a  fresh  telegram  to  Bismarck 
the  Kaiser  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in  these  terms  : 
"  After  a  visit  which  was  like  a  dream,  and  which 
was  made  exquisite  by  the  most  magnificent 
hospitality  on  the  part  of  the  Sultan,  I  have  just 
passed  the  Dardanelles  in  the  most  perfect 
weather." 

In  the  Mediterranean  he  found  an  opportunity 
for  another  sensation.  He  detected  a  British 
squadron  off  Malta,  and  as  he  was  a  British 
Admiral,  he  seized  the  opportunity  to  inspect  it. 
Hoisting  his  flag  on  the  old  battleship  Dread- 
nought, he  commanded  as  "  Admiral  for  a  day," 
beaming  with  joy  over  his  title  and  his  uniform. 
"  One  of  the  happiest  days  of  my  life,"  he  called 
it  in  a  speech  some  years  later.  The  of^cers 
raged  in  silence,  and  the  British  Admiral  prepared 
a  report. 

"  Let  him  wear  his  uniform  and  his  title,  and 
let    it    stop    at    that,     but     don't     let     him    come 


46  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

and  worry  us  with  his  inspections,"  was  the  gist 
of  it. 

In  Germany  meanwhile  the  public  was  not  much 
charmed  with  all  these  "  private  telegrams  "  which 
Bismarck  did  not  cease  to  publish.  Notably,  the 
General  Staff  party,  headed  by  Count  Waldersee, 
was  distinctly  annoyed,  and  in  the  official  Press 
articles  appeared  which  bore  witness  to  the  general 
displeasure,  and  showed  that  there  were  forces 
already  in  motion  to  thwart  the  policy  of  the 
Imperial   Chancellor. 

Two  days  after  the  Kaiser's  return  Eugen 
Richter,  spokesman  of  the  Liberal  Party,  put  a 
question  to  the  Government  on  the  matter.  Herr 
Verdy  du  Vernois,  who  in  his  capacity  of  Minister 
of  War  had  to  defend  the  chief  of  the  General 
Staff,  performed  this  manoeuvre  with  dexterity,  and 
Count  Herbert  Bismarck,  the  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  was,  of  course,  bound  to  assist  him.  For 
obvious  reasons,  however,  there  was  no  power  in 
the  defence.  "  It  sounds  like  knocking  on  a  tin 
plate,"  declared  Bismarck's  second  son,  "  Bill,"  in 
a  conversation  with  his  brother.  The  expression, 
which  is  reminiscent  of  his  father,  strikes  the  nail 
on  the  head.  But  the  Foreign  Secretary  was 
obliged  henceforward  to  speak  very  often  in  the 
Reichstag,  "  and  it  was  but  seldom  that  his  words 
had  a  genuine  ring." 

The  Kaiser  meantime  had  again  escaped  from 
Berlin,  and  while  he  was  rushing  from  east  to 
west  on  shooting-parties,  visiting  a  succession  of 
towns,  being  present  at  gala  performances  and 
parades,  receiving  deputations  and  inspecting 
barracks,     the     Berlin     intrigues     were     winding 


JOURNEYS   AND    INTRIGUES  47 

themselves  more  and  more  tightly  around  Bis- 
marck. The  Chancellor  was  aware  of  them,  but 
looked  at  the  whole  thing  from  its  comic  side. 
But  the  air  was  sultry  and  corruption  was  rife, 
and  in  the  Memoirs  of  Prince  Hohenlohe  there  is 
an  atmosphere  of  intrigue  and  the  baseness  of 
small  minds.  The  highest  interests  of  the  State 
were  given  over  to  chance. 

The  plot  against  Bismarck,  which  originally  was 
worked  by  Stoecker,  the  Court  chaplain,  Ham- 
merstein,  the  bribed  Editor  of  the  Kreuzzeitung, 
which  subsequently  became  the  anti-Bismarck 
organ,  and  Count  Waldersee,  can  be  traced  back 
to  the  very  first  months  after  the  accession  of 
the  new  Kaiser.  It  was,  at  first,  devoid  of  any 
political  idea  whatever,  for  the  very  simple  reason 
that  the  brains  which  were  scheming  it  had 
never  produced  a  political  thought  or  been  able 
to  approach  public  questions  from  any  other 
point  of  view  than  that  of  private  interest, 
either  in  connection  with  themselves  or  their 
friends. 

Stoecker  was  the  most  conspicuous  of  the 
triumvirate,  and  his  name  will  always  be  con- 
nected with  one  of  the  most  remarkable  periods 
in  nineteenth-century  Germany.  He  reached 
his  zenith  towards  the  end  of  the  'seventies,  in 
the  midst  of  the  great  economic  collapse  which 
was  the  natural  result  of  the  boom  in  speculations 
after  the  Franco-German  War.  It  stands  to  his 
credit  that  he  denounced  the  unbridled  deifica- 
tion of  capital  which  was  the  leading  idea  of  the 
time  ;  but  he  misunderstood  the  danger,  and  only 
recognized  it  in  connection  with  the  men  "  of  the 


48  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

very  black  hair  and  the  very  high  noses."  His 
anti-Semitic  feeling,  which  proved  him  to  be  a 
man  with  a  narrow  intellectual  horizon,  had  gradu- 
ally led  him  on  to  a  wrong  political  track,  and  at 
the  same  time  he  attempted  to  create  a  Christian 
Socialist  labour  agitation,  which  necessarily  brought 
him  into  collision  with  the  Social  Democrats.  At 
that  time,  through  dubious  alliances,  which  were  the 
result  of  contradictions  in  his  own  character,  he 
found  himself  in  a  position  where  he  ought  never 
to  have  been,  and  it  will  always  remain  a  stain 
upon  his  memory  that  he  consented  to  work  with 
men  like  Hammerstein  and  Count  Waldersee.  The 
former  of  these  gentlemen  revealed  himself  later 
on  as  a  criminal  of  an  elaborate  type.  His 
specialities — embezzlement,  fraud,  and  chaffering 
with  private  letters  from  friends  and  colleagues — 
were  in  1896  rewarded  by  seven  years  of  im- 
prisonment. The  latter,  whose  military  achieve- 
ments we  shall  review  in  a  later  chapter,  had 
not  long  since  succeeded  Moltke  as  chief  of  the 
General  Staff — a  burden  too  heavy  for  shoulders 
as  slight  as  his. 

At  the  moment,  however,  these  men  were  in 
the  height  of  Imperial  favour,  and  with  an  audacity 
which  would  have  been  quite  inconceivable  but 
for  that  "  student  "  spirit  which  Bismarck  had 
noticed  in  the  Kaiser,  they  had  already  fully 
prepared  their  plan  of  campaign.  Thirteen  days 
after  the  morning  idyll  in  Bismarck's  bedroom  the 
Vorwdrts,  the  leading  organ  of  the  Socialist  Party, 
published  a  letter  from  Stoecker  to  Hammerstein. 
It  contained  the  following  sensational  passage  :  "  If 
the    Kaiser    notices    that    we    are   trying    to    breed 


JOURNEYS   AND    INTRIGUES  49 

discord  between  him  and  Bismarck,  we  shall 
certainly  estrange  him.  If,  however,  we  encourage 
his  dissatisfaction  over  the  things  where  he  is 
in  agreement  with  us,  we  shall  be  strengthening 
him  on  the  main  points  without  goading  him.  He 
said  quite  recently,  '  I  will  give  the  Old  Man 
six  months  to  breathe  in  ;  then  I  will  rule  myself.'  ' 
We  must  therefore,  without  giving  up  any  of  our 
hopes,  move  with  caution." 

It  is  not  surprising  that  after  the  publication  of 
this  letter  Stoecker  was  so  compromised  that  he 
had  shortly  to  resign  his  position  as  Court  chap- 
lain. What  is  more  surprising  is  that  Hammer- 
stein  was  able  to  remain  in  favour  for  a  number 
of  years  longer. 

As  far  as  facts  are  concerned,  in  these  intrigues 
against  Bismarck,  this  letter  is  not,  after  all,  so 
damning  as  it  looks  at  the  first  glance.  It  was 
no  news  that  forces  were  at  work  for  the  over- 
throw of  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  and  even  if  the 
Kaiser  had  uttered  the  words  which  Stoecker  im- 
puted to  him,  and  the  authenticity  of  which  has 
never  been  doubted,  there  was  no  positive  proof 
of  duplicity  in  his  conduct.  Yet  Stoecker  was 
right  when  he  warned  his  friends  to  be  prudent  ; 
for  it  is  a  maxim  in  psychological  experience  that 
impu'sive  natures  are  very  often  those  which  have  to 
be  approached  in  the  most  roundabout  way  if  they 
are  to  be  brought  to  a  decision  of  real  importance. 

It  is,  therefore,  rather  difficult  to  pass  a  final 
sentence  on  the  behaviour  of  the  Kaiser  towards 
Bismarck  during  the  latter  half  of   1888  and  the 

'  In  the  original  :  Sechs  Monaten  lang  will  Ich  noch  den  Alien 
verschnauffen  lassenj  dann  tegiere  Ich  selbsL 

5 


50  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

whole  of  1889.  The  only  thing  which  can  be 
positively  asserted  is  that  the  Kaiser  was  vacil- 
lating on  the  question  of  whether  he  ought  to 
part  with  the  Chancellor  or  not.  At  the  same 
time,  he  was  deeply  impressed  by  his  mighty 
personality  and  his  extraordinary  services  to  the 
Fatherland,  and,  when  carried  away  by  these  im- 
pressions, he  let  himself  express  strong  feeling, 
the  sincerity  of  which  at  the  moment  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt. 

His  letter  to  Bismarck  on  New  Year's  Eve  1888 
has  not  a  false  note  in  it,  and  in  January  1889 
even  Hohenlohe  was  convinced  that  "  the  Kaiser 
is  entirely  under  the  influence  of  Bismarck,  and 
that  he  has  not  even  as  much  confidence  in  him- 
self as  to  venture  to  express  a  view  differing  from 
that  of  the  Chancellor." 

In  the  course  of  the  spring  and  the  summer,  how- 
ever, difficulties  of  various  kinds  gradually  came  up. 

During  a  disagreement  with  Switzerland  con- 
cerning the  expatriation  of  a  German  police-officer 
bearing  the  cheerful  name  of  Wohlgemiith,'  the 
attitude  of  Bismarck,  in  the  opinion  of  many 
people,  was  needlessly  rigid.  No  one  was  more 
troubled  at  this  line  of  conduct  on  the  part  of 
the  Chancellor  than  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden, 
the  uncle  of  the  Kaiser.  His  chief  claim  to  im- 
mortality was  based  upon  the  fact  that  at  the 
proclamation  in  the  Gallery  of  Mirrors  at  Versailles 
he  had  proposed  the  first  official  cheer  to  the 
first  German  Emperor.  Therefore  he  could  not 
look  on  calmly  at  the  blunders  of  Bismarck,  which 
might  compromise  the  safety  of  the  realm. 

'  Mr.  Cheery. 


JOURNEYS   AND    INTRIGUES  51 

"  All  our  plans  of  war  are  based  upon  a  friendly 
neutrality  on  the  part  of  Switzerland,"  he  declared. 
"  A  possible  breach  with  that  country  might  end 
by  throwing  it  into  the  arms  of  France  and  thereby 
expose  our  left  flank.  The  Kaiser,"  he  said, 
"  ought  to  step  in  with  his  Imperial  veto  to  re- 
establish good  relations  with  the  Swiss  republic, 
even  if  an  action  like  this  should  result  in  the 
resignation  of  the  Chancellor."  Besides,  Bismarck 
was  far  too  yielding  in  his  policy  towards  Russia, 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  as  far  as  Austria  was 
concerned,  he  was  of  opinion  that  in  a  possible 
conflict  between  Austria  and  Russia,  Germany's 
wisest  plan  on  the  whole  would  be  to  remain  a 
passive  spectator. 

On  August  24,  1889,  writes  Hohenlohe  in  his 
Diary,  a  conflict  had  arisen  between  the  Kaiser 
and  the  Chancellor,  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden 
considered  it  wiser  to  face  the  possibility  of 
Bismarck   one   day   taking   his   departure. 

"  And  what  will  happen  then?  "  Hohenlohe  asks. 
"  The  Kaiser  probably  thinks  he  can  direct  our 
foreign  policy  himself.  But  that  would  be  a 
very  dangerous  plan." 

But  all  the  prophecies  were  falsified,  just  in 
the  same  way  as  the  prophecies  of  an  imminent 
war  with  France  and  Russia.  Bismarck  would 
not  agree,  and  in  spite  of  all  the  passing  thunder- 
clouds, he  continued  to  enjoy  the  full  confidence 
of  the  Kaiser.  In  particular,  the  Emperor  was 
immensely  pleased  at  the  energy  the  Chancellor 
exhibited  in  pushing  the  Old  Age  and  Disablement 
Insurance  Bill  through  the  Reichstag. 

The   Chancellor  succeeded,  and  on  New  Year's 


52  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

Eve  18L9  the  Kaiser  felt  once  again  an  irresistible 
desire  to  thank  him,  just  as  he  had  done  twelve 
months   before. 

"  I  know  very  well,"  he  wrote,  "  how  much 
of  this  success  is  due  to  your  self-sacrifice  and 
your  creative  energy,  and  I  pray  to  God  that  for 
many  years  to  come  He  may  grant  me  the  benefit 
of  your  tried  and  faithful  counsel  in  my  heavy 
and   responsible  position." 


CHAPTER    V 

THE   BREACH    WITH    BISMARCK 

Ten  weeks  later  there  was  nothing  left  of  the 
Imperial  New  Year's  prayer. 

The  Diary  gives  us  some  few  facts  on  which  to 
base  a  judgment  on  this  rapid  metamorphosis,  the 
most  important  being  a  conversation  on  Febru- 
ary I,  1890,  between  the  Kaiser  and  General 
von  Caprivi,  Commander  of  the  loth  Army  Corps, 
who  was  destined  to  become  Bismarck's  successor. 
But  we  look  in  vain  in  the  Diary  for  any  psycho- 
logical explanation  of  the  change  ;  nor  is  such  to 
be  found  in  the  Memoirs  of  Prince  Hohenlohe, 
notwithstanding  the  many  important  details  that 
they  give. 

It  was  said  in  Berlin  that  Bismarck  had  become 
very  irritable  and  changeable  of  late  ;  he  laboured 
over  trifles,  constantly  changed  his  views,  and  in- 
dulged in  uncontrolled  expressions  about  the  Kaiser 
in  conversation  with  foreign  diplomatists.  What 
was  worse,  however,  was  that  the  Kaiser  suspected 
him  of  conducting  secret  foreign  negotiations  tend- 
ing to  a  rupture  of  the  Triple  Alliance  and  to  a 
rapprochement  with  Russia — a  thing  the  Kaiser 
would  never  agree  to.  Then  there  was  that  dif- 
ference  of   view  on   social   legislation   which   cleft 

53 


54  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

them  apart  at  the  very  moment  when  the  Kaiser 
had  determined  to  appear  before  the  world  as  an 
international  reformer. 

"  Trifles  every  one  of  them,"  declared  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Baden,  who  had  lately  been  on  very  in- 
timate terms  with  the  Kaiser.  The  real  reason 
of  the  rupture  was  simply  a  question  of  power. 
"  Are  we  to  have  the  Bismarck  dynasty  or  the 
Hohenzollern  dynasty  to  reign  over  us?  " 

A  week  after  the  dismissal  of  Bismarck,  Prince 
Hohenlohe  paid  him  a  visit,  and  expressed  his  un- 
qualified astonishment  at  what  had  happened. 

"  It  took  me  entirely  by  surprise,"  he  said. 

"  That  was  the  case  with  me  also,"  replied  Bis- 
marck. "  Even  three  weeks  ago  I  did  not  think 
that  it  would  end  like  this.  But  I  was  bound  to 
expect  it,  sooner  or  later.  The  Kaiser  intends  to 
govern  by  himself." 

These  words  give  us  the  key  to  the  Kaiser's 
rupture  with  Bismarck,  and  thereby  save  us  the 
trouble  of  setting  up  hypotheses  and  drawing  con- 
clusions. The  rupture  was  neither  the  result  of 
any  accidental  question  of  the  day,  nor  did  it  pro- 
ceed from  difference  of  age  ;  still  less  v/as  it  a 
historical  necessity.  It  was  founded  simply  and 
solely  on  the  personality  of  the  Kaiser,  with  its 
typical  qualities — unbounded  love  of  power,  guided 
by  unalterable  faith   in  his  own  perfection. 

During  the  twenty  months  which  had  passed 
since  his  accession  to  the  throne,  his  mind  filled 
with  ambitious  dreams  and  autocratic  ideals,  the 
Kaiser  had  attracted  attention  to  himself  on  many 
occasions  both  at  home  and  abroad.  His  main 
characteristics    were    even    then   patent   to    all    the 


THE   BREACH   WITH    BISMARCK  55 

world — they  did  not  lie  very  deep — and  the  future 
had  nothing  to  add  to  them.  His  natural  atmo- 
sphere was  sensation.  He  lived  and  breathed  in 
it,  thanks  to  his  changeful  disposition,  his  tireless 
energy,  his  radiant  self-confidence.  The  society 
in  which  he  had  grown  up,  and  to  which  he  was 
deeply  attached,  was  exactly  suited  to  foster  all 
these  qualities.  Here  was  no  political  background, 
no  parliamentary  traditions,  no  earnest  democracy 
imbued  with  a  love  of  honour  and  strong  in  deter- 
mination. On  the  contrary,  there  was  a  most 
regrettable  abundance  of  all  those  servile  qualities 
which  Treitschke,  the  famous  historian,  about  the 
middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  had  summed  up 
in  the  word  Bedientengesinnang,^  and  which  the 
Germany  of  to-day  has  baptized  with  the  sugges- 
tive name  of  Byzantinlsmus.^ 

But  deep  down  in  the  national  soul,  indepen- 
dent of  all  political  and  social  occurrences,  there 
remained  an  element  of  sound  sense,  which  had  to 
be  dealt  with  cautiously,  for  in  the  long  run  it 
would  not  let  itself  be  defied  with  impunity. 

Kein  Schein  verfiihrt  sein  sicheres  Gefuhl,^ 

runs  a  famous  line  in  Schiller's  "  Wilhelm  Tell." 
It  was  this  golden  truth  which  Bismarck  and  the 
old  Emperor  never  forgot  in  their  dealings  with 
the  German  people.  Even  at  this  moment,  when 
the    weaknesses    of    their    system    are    far    more 

'  Literally  :  a  functionary  or  servant-like  conception  of  life ;  a 
community  steeped  in  official  views  and  sentiments. 

'  After  the  Byzantine  Empire,  the  classic  ground  of  servile 
flattery. 

3  No  appearances  can  deceive  its  sure  judgment. 


56  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

conspicuous  than  in  their  own  times,  this  truth 
remains  practically  unshaken.  Bismarck  deprived 
the  German  nation  of  all  power  at  a  cross-road  in 
its  history,  took  the  work  of  unification,  which  was 
in  a  fair  way  towards  completion,  out  of  its  hands, 
and  finished  it  according  to  his  own  mind.  But  in 
this  very  fact  there  was  an  undeniable  proof  of 
the  purposefulness  of  his  work  which  should  claim, 
at  least  from  his  contemporaries  and  their  nearest 
descendants,  some  pardon  for  his  high-handed 
action.  William  II,  who  within  the  space  of  a 
few  months  leaped  from  the  position  of  a  com- 
paratively insignificant  prince  to  the  dignity  of 
German  Emperor — a  change  which  might  have  dis- 
turbed a  better  balanced  nature  than  his — was 
very  Ukely,  just  because  of  his  temperament  and  all 
his  theories,  to  make  serious  mistakes,  especially 
at  the  beginning. 

Nevertheless,  the  nation  would  have  been 
patient  with  him,  quite  instinctively,  if  it  could 
have  seen  any  attempts  at  self-criticism,  any 
serious  efforts  to  study  political  situations  in  their 
relations  of  cause  and  effect,  and  to  learn  from 
them.  Instead  of  this  he  was  touring  about  the 
world  within  a  month  of  his  father's  death.  This 
was  a  new  form  of  foreign  policy,  at  which  the 
nation  looked  with  wonder  not  unmixed  with 
distrust,  and  it  is  a  fact  that  this  feeling  grewi 
rather  than  diminished  during  his  constantly 
repeated  visits  to  the  same  Courts,  with  their  weari- 
some series  of  return  visits.  But  it  would  appear 
that  right  up  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War 
he  remained  convinced  that  by  these  visits  he  was 
fulfilling  a  mission  of  peace  of  the  highest  value. 


THE   BREACH    WITH    BISMARCK  57 

The  sincerity  of  this  feehng  is  as  incontestable  as 
the  inability  to  realize  facts  which  has  always 
characterized  his  policy,  and  which  sooner  or  later 
was  bound  to  lead  to  disaster.  The  word  "  diffi- 
cult "  has  never  existed  for  him  except  as  a  figure 
of  speech,  and  one  of  liis  biographers  most  truly 
observes  that  "  the  Kaiser  has  always  believed 
that  he  could  reconcile  deep  historical  antagonisms 
by  kissing  his  dynastic  guests  on  both  cheeks." 

It  goes  without  saying  that  Bismarck,  who  had 
known  the  Kaiser  since  he  was  a  boy,  and  who 
had  observed  the  many  strange  developments  of 
his  complicated  nature,  entertained  no  illusions 
as  to  remaining  in  power  till  the  day  of  his 
death,  and  this  is  confirmed  by  one  of  his  speeches 
in  the  Reichstag.  This  speech  also  completely 
demohshes  the  theory  that  he  ever  intended  "  to 
found  a  dynasty."  Speaking  in  the  Reichstag 
in  1889,  he  most  positively  denied  any  such 
intention,  stating  in  plain  words  that  the  thing" 
a  man  least  of  all  can  bequeath  to  others  is  that 
confidence  and  experience  he  has  gained  from  his 
personality  and  his  work.  That  his  power  rested 
on  a  tottering  foundation  he  knew  well,  and  he 
drew  attention  to  this,  not  once  only  but  many 
times,  before   it  gave  way  altogether. 

Even  more  convincing  in  this  respect,  however, 
is  the  fact  that  Bismarck,  by  frequent  absences 
from  the  capital  and  by  protracted  visits  at  Fried- 
richsruhe,  actually  tried  to  adapt  himself  to  the 
Kaiser's  eagerness  to  be  free  and  unrestricted, 
and  thus  to  pave  the  way  for  his  own  exit  without 
any  breach.  Home  politics  did  not  interest  him 
very    much,    and    he    was    far    from    considering 


58  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

himself  indispensable  in  this  department.  But  his 
attitude  was  very  different  with  regard  to  foreign 
policy,  which  needed  the  guidance  of  a  firm  hand 
lest  even  the  work  of  unification  should  be 
jeopardized,  and  naturally  he  felt  a  distinct  anxiety 
about  handing  it  over  to  others  unless  he  was  to 
have  the  strongest  guarantees  in  return. 

It  was,  in  fact,  on  this  question  that  the  'first 
dissensions  arose  between  the  Chancellor  and 
the  Kaiser.  Bismarck,  as  we  have  seen,  had 
throughout  a  long  life  constantly  aimed  at  main- 
taining good  relations  with  Russia,  with  a  single 
exception  in  1878,  when  he  considered  that  Russia 
was  "  suffering  from  a  surfeit,"  and  that  it  was 
necessary,  on  both  political  and  philanthropic 
grounds,  that  Europe  should  "  obtain  relief  for 
her." 

The  Congress  of  Berlin,  which  was  appointed  to 
carry  out  this  drastic  treatment  of  Russia,  per- 
formed its  task  with  a  thoroughness  which  left 
nothing  to  be  desired,  and  of  which  we  see  the 
consequences  in  the  present  situation  in  the 
Balkan  Peninsula.  Russia  returned  from  Berlin 
gaunt  and  shrunken,  but  only  six  years  later,  in 
1884,  Bismarck  was  successful  in  concluding  a 
secret  treaty  with  her.  This  treaty,  which  is  known 
by  the  very  expressive  name  of  the  Reassurance 
Treaty,  was  not  particularly  attractive  from  a  moral 
point  of  view,  but  in  its  political  aspect  it  was 
something  of  a  masterpiece,  especially  as  long  as 
the  treaty  concluded  between  Germany  and  Austria 
in    1879  I   was   kept  secret   also. 

By  the  treaty  with  Austria  Bismarck  protected 
»  The  basis  of  the  present  alliance  between  the  two  countries. 


THE   BREACH    WITH    BISMARCK         59 

himself  against  Russia.  By  the  treaty  with  Russia 
he  protected  himself  against  Austria.  In  this 
fashion  he  deceived  both  of  them,  and  secured  the 
benevolent  neutrality  of  both  in  the  event  of  an 
attack  on  Germany  by  France.  It  is  true  that 
this  position  was  somewhat  weakened  in  1887  by 
the  pubHcation  of  the  treaty  '  with  Austria,  but 
this  very  fact  made  it  increasingly  important  that 
the   treaty  with  Russia   should   be  maintained. 

The  Kaiser  held  a  contrary  opinion.  He  did 
not  wish  the  treaty  to  be  renewed,  but  this  by  no 
means  amounts  to  saying  that  he  desired  to  pick 
a  quarrel  with  his  great  neighbour.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  had  already  decided  to  pay  him  another 
visit  in  the  course  of  the  year.  Bismarck,  who 
knew  the  Tsar,^  and  was  aware  that  this  good- 
humoured  bear  did  not  particularly  enjoy  over- 
frequent  official  embraces,  tried  with  all  his  power 
to  dissuade  the  Emperor  from  paying  this  visit. 
But  with  his  unbounded  confidence  in  "  the 
fascinating  strength  "  of  his  own  personality,  the 
Kaiser  of  course  resented  the  advice  of  Bismarck. 

It  was  left  to  the  future  to  reveal  which  of 
the  two  was  right.  Within  a  year  after  the  Kaiser's 
second  visit  to  Russia  the  Franco-Russian  alliance 
was  an  accomplished  fact. 

In  the  field  of  social  legislation,  Bismarck  had 
gone  so  far  in  meeting  the  wishes  of  the  Kaiser 
as  to  resign  his  presidency  of  the  Board  of  Trade 
in  favour  of  Herr  Berlepsch,  who  was  the  mouth- 

'  The  chief  contents  of  it  were  pubHshed  in  Bismarck's  well- 
known  organ  Hamburger  Nachrichien  in  1896 — six  years  after  it 
was  annulled. 

Alexander  III.  (1881-94). 


6o  WILLIAM    THE    SECOND 

piece  of  the  Imperial  views  in  the  Government. 
Bismarck,  however,  had  laboured  so  long  on  social 
questions,  both  in  theory  and  practice,  and  had 
reaped  so  many  bitter  experiences  of  the  vitality 
and  fighting  spirit  of  Social  Democracy,  that  he 
did  not  feel  much  reassured  by  the  Imperial 
declaration:  "Leave  Social  Democracy  to  me  1 
I  can  soon  deal  with  that  1  " 

Another  example  of  the  "  student  "  attitude,  an 
attitude  in  which  it  is  impossible  to  rule  a  State. 

"  My  young  master  is  ardent  and  full  of  life," 
wrote  Bismarck  some  years  later,  referring  to 
events  in  the  winter  and  spring  of  1890.  "He 
wishes  to  make  all  men  happy.  At  his  age  this 
is  natural.  I  myself  doubt  the  possibility,  and 
I  have  told  him  so.  .  .  .  It  is  quite  easy  to  exert 
an  influence  over  him  if  you  suggest  thoughts 
and  plans  which  he  thinks  will  make  people  happy. 
He  can  hardly  wait  one  moment  before  putting 
them  into  execution."  Therefore  Bismarck  felt 
a  certain  hesitation  about  the  Kaiser's  new  social 
policy — politics  are  not  so  simple,  after  all,  as 
chemical  combinations — and  in  order  to  neutralize 
the  eff^ect  of  these  reforming  tendencies  of  the 
Kaiser,  he  persuaded  him  into  the  scheme  of  an 
International    Labour   Conference. 

The  Kaiser,  who  has  always  had  a  notable  gift 
for  seizing  the  ideas  of  others  and  shaping  them 
according  to  his  fancy,  was  enthusiastic  over  the 
notion.  Here  was  an  opportunity  for  reforming 
social  legislation,  not  only  in  Germany  but  in  all 
the  States  "  whose  industries  rule  the  world's 
markets  together  with  our  own,"  to  quote  a  pas- 
sage  from   the   Imperial   Rescript   concerning   the 


THE   BREACH    WITH    BISMARCK         6i 

Conference.  He  was  no  more  only  the  "  Peace 
Kaiser  "  ;  he  was  the  "  Workers'  Kaiser,"  an  even 
more  beautiful  title.  But  from  that  moment  Bis- 
marck felt  easy  as  to  the  result  of  the  Conference. 
The  whole  thing  would  come  to  nothing.  And 
such   was  indeed   the   fact. 

The  first  official  announcement  of  the  Inter- 
national Labour  Conference  was  issued  on  Feb- 
ruary 4,  1890,  three  days  after  the  Kaiser's  con- 
versation with  Caprivi.  At  a  meeting  in  the 
Reichstag  five  years  later,  Herr  von  Berlepsch, 
in  the  name  of  the  Kaiser,  gave  a  brief  report  of 
various  details  in  connection  with  Bismarck's 
resignation  ;  he  also  mentioned  the  first  political 
conversation  between  the  Kaiser  and  General  von 
Caprivi. 

"  I  have  summoned  you  here,"  said  the  Kaiser, 
"  to  tell  you  that  you  must  prepare  for  all  con- 
tingencies. Sooner  or  later  the  Imperial  Chan- 
cellorship will  be  vacant.  I  have  selected  you 
to  be  the  successor  of  Bismarck.  My  grandfather 
had  already  selected  you  for  this  office — in  the 
event  of  Bismarck's  death.  But  things  look  now 
as  though  I  may  have  to  part  with  him  earlier." 
The  Kaiser  turned  out  to  be  a  true  prophet.  The 
difi"erences  of  opinion  between  him  and  Bismarck 
in  the  department  of  both  home  and  foreign  policy 
were  too  great  to  admit  of  their  working  together 
any  longer — apart  from  the  fact  that  influential 
persons  were  constantly  trying  to  prejudice  the 
Kaiser  by  disparaging  remarks  about  Bismarck. 
They  represented  him,  not  only  as  a  man  who  was 
obstructing  the  political  rights  and  authority  of 
the  Kaiser,  but  even  went  so  far  as  to  suggest  that 


62  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

the  Chancellor  was  a  confirmed  victim  of  the 
morphia  habit. 

The  Kaiser  asked  Professor  Schweninger,  Bis- 
marck's physician-in-ordinary,  and  received  an 
answer  which  had  "  both  horns  and  teeth,"  to  use 
Luther's  expressive  words. 

"It  is  a  miserable  calumny,  and  I  know  the 
source  of  it,"  replied  the   Professor. 

But  by  degrees  the  ground  was  undermined 
beneath  the  Imperial  Chancellor's  feet,  and  at  last 
there  came  the  inevitable  crash — brought  about, 
as  always  happens,  by  something  utterly  different 
from  the  question  at   issue. 

As  early  as  1889  some  of  the  Ministers,  without 
the  knowledge  or  consent  of  Bismarck,  had  begun 
to  take  the  liberty  of  dealing  directly  with  the 
Kaiser  and  obtaining  his  signature  to  important 
documents,  the  contents  of  which  were  only  made 
known  to  Bismarck  when  they  could  not  possibly 
be  altered.  The  Imperial  Chancellor  had  accord- 
ingly reminded  his  Ministers  of  the  Cabinet  Order 
of  1852.  By  this  order,  which  was  still  in  force, 
all  important  affairs  had  first  to  be  laid  before  the 
Prime  Minister — whose  duties  were  now  absorbed 
in  those  of  the  Chancellor — and  by  him  to  be 
reported  to  his  Majesty.  Bismarck,  in  his  of^cial 
resignation,  enlarged  upon  the  importance  of  this 
Cabinet  Order,  and  it  is  an  irony  of  fate  that  the 
man  who  had  entered  public  life  in  contempt  of 
everything  like  ministerial  responsibility,  and  who 
had  ruled  in  this  spirit  for  twenty-eight  consecu- 
tive years,  should  be  overthrown  just  when  trying 
to  uphold  this  principle  against  the  new  autocracy 
which  was  beginning  to  raise  its  head. 


THE   BREACH    WITH    BISMARCK        63 

"  Summa  lex  regis  voluntas,''  declared  the  Kaiser 
in  conversation  with  a  Conservative  member  of 
the  Reichstag. 

These  words,  which  are  quoted  from  the  most 
ancient  of  German  Constitutions,  the  famous 
Golden  Bull,  are  clear  enough.  As  this  document, 
however,  dates  from  1356,  the  political  views  ex- 
pressed in  it  could  hardly  be  described  as  particu- 
larly applicable  in  1890.  At  the  request  of  Herr 
Bleichroder,  the  famous  banker,  Bismarck  con- 
sented to  have  a  conference  on  March  14th  with 
his  old  opponent,  Herr  Windhorst,  the  parlia- 
mentary leader  of  the  Centre.  The  conference, 
which  did  not  lead  to  any  result  as  far  as  home 
policy  was  concerned,  has  become  historical,  owing 
to  the  fact  of  its  being  immediately  reported  to 
the   Kaiser  by  some   benevolent   person. 

At   that  moment   the  bomb  exploded. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  March  i  5th  the  Kaiser 
called  at  Wilheltostrasse,  at  the  office  of  Herbert 
Bismarck,  and  ordered  the  Imperial  Chancellor 
to  report  himself  at  once. 

Bismarck,  in  his  later  years,  was  no  early  riser  ; 
he  was  stiff  in  body  and  limbs,  needing  massage 
and  special  baths  to  retain  his  vigour  in  any  degree. 

But  that  morning  there  was  no  indulgence— no 
good-humoured  Kaiser  to  help  him  put  on  his 
dressing-gown.  The  Chancellor  had  to  struggle 
into  his  uniform  and  hasten  before  his  master. 
Still,  he  had  not  forgotten  the  words  of  Mephisto- 
pheles  about  the  "  formidableness  "  of  youth.  The 
scene  struck  him  as  having  a  distinctly  comic  side, 
and  later,  when  talking  to  Harden,  he  compared 
his  position  to  that  of  Hamlet's  murdered  father, 


64  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

who  was  summoned  away  without  time  for 
preparation:  — 

.  .  .  disappointed  .  .  . 
No  reckoning  made,  but  sent  to  my  account 
With  all  my  imperfections  on  my  head. 

His  Majesty  demanded,  in  an  excited  tone,  that  the 
Chancellor  should  cease  to  confer  with  any  of  the 
party    leaders    without   his    knowledge. 

Bismarck  declared  that  he  could  not  give  up 
that  liberty,  and  that  he  could  not  easily  place 
himself  under  control  with  respect  to  the  persons 
with  whom  he  had  intercourse. 

"Not  even  if  your  master  orders  you?  "  asked 
the   Kaiser. 

"  My  master's  power  ceases  at  the  door  of  my 
wife's  drawing-room." 

After  this  dangerous  beginning  the  conversation, 
turned  upon  the  Cabinet  Order  of  1852.  The 
Kaiser  demanded  that  it  should  be  repealed  at 
once.  Bismarck  protested,  declaring  that  his  posi- 
tion would  become  quite  untenable  if,  in  the  first 
place,  he  were  not  permitted  to  control  his  own 
Ministers,  and,  in  the  second,  were  prevented  from 
conferring  with  those  members  of  the  Reichstag 
whom  he  wished  to   see. 

The  breach  was  irreparable,  and  three  days  later 
— March  18,  1890 — Bismarck  sent  in  his  resigna- 
tion. On  the  preceding  day  he  held  his  last  con- 
ference with  the  members  of  the  Government  and 
informed  them  of  what  had  taken  place.  Now 
comes  the  most  astonishing  part  of  this  very  painful 
episode — namely,  the  Kaiser's  reply.  "  With  deep 
emotion,"  he  says  in  this  document,  which  is  dated 


THE   BREACH    WITH    BISMARCK        65 

March  20th,  "  I  see  from  your  resignation  of  the 
1 8th  inst.  that  you  have  decided  to  retire  from 
the  office  which  for  many  years  you  have  occupied 
with  such  notably  successful  results.  I  had  hoped 
that  the  question  of  parting  from  you  would  not 
have  arisen  as  long  as  we  both  remained  alive. 
.  .  .  The  reasons  you  adduce  for  your  decision 
convince  me,  however,  that  any  attempts  on  my 
part  to  induce  you  to  withdraw  your  resignation 
are  not  likely  to  be  crowned  with  success."  As 
a  special  sign  of  his  favour  he  created  him  Duke 
of  Lauenburg  and  presented  him  with  a  full-sized 
portrait  of  himself,  thanking  him  at  the  same  time 
in  the  most  profuse  manner  for  all  his  services 
to  Kaiser  and  Fatherland.  "  God  bless  you,  my 
dear  Prince,  and  may  He  grant  you  during  many 
years  to  come  a  cloudless  old  age,  bright  with 
the   consciousness   of  duty   faithfully  discharged." 

The  time  has  not  yet  arrived  to  pronounce  a 
final  judgment  on  this  document,  but  it  is  easy 
to  understand  why  it  never  made  much  impres- 
sion, either  by  its  matter  or  manner,  upon  the 
contemporaries  of  the  Kaiser,  especially  considering 
all  that  we  now  know  with  regard  to  Bismarck's 
resignation.  It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  Imperial 
conviction  of  the  hopelessness  of  prevailing  upon 
Bismarck  to  remain  in  office  with  the  fact  that 
it  was  the  Kaiser  himself  who  precipitated  his 
resignation,  and  that  on  March  17th— the  day 
before  he  tendered  it — the  Imj>erial  Chancellor 
received  two  several  messages  instructing  him  to 
hasten . 

A  few  days  later  the  Kaiser  sent  his  famous 
telegram  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Weimar.     This  is 

6 


66  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

also  one  of  the  historical  documents  connected 
with  Bismarck's  resignation,  and  at  the  same  time 
a  valuable  document  huniain,  throwing  a  light  on 
its   Imperial   author:  — 

"  My  heart  aches  as  though  for  the  second  time 
I  had  lost  my  grandfather.  But  this  trial  has  been 
sent  me  from  God,  and  therefore  I  have  to  bear 
it  even  if  I  should  be  crushed  by  it.  To  me  has 
fallen  the  post  of  officer  of  the  watch  upon  the  ship 
of  State.  We  shall  keep  the  old  course  ;  and 
now — full  steam  ahead  1  " 


CHAPTER    VI 
THE   NEW   MASTER 

Men  would  have  to  be  less  easily  impressed  than 
they  are  if  William  II  had  not  overwhelmed  them 
by  breaking  with  Bismarck. 

His  unsuspecting  contemporaries  who  concerned 
themselves  only  with  the  purely  external  aspect 
of  the  event  stood  lost  in  admiration  before  such 
a  powerful  display  of  energy  and  will.  There 
was  something  attractively  bold  in  this  young  man 
who,  after  governing  for  twenty  months,  could 
dispense  with  every  kind  of  guardianship,  and 
without  hesitation  take  the  helm  of  the  State  into 
his  own  hands,  at  the  same  moment  that  he  in- 
vited the  whole  world  to  Berlin  to  solve  the  social 
enigma. 

When  had  any  one  seen  a  young  Emperor  so 
brave,  so   resolute,   so  dominated  by  great  ideas? 

There  were  only  a  few  who  shook  their  heads 
and  remembered  Goethe's  words  : — 

"  Die  Botschaft "  hor  ich  wohl,  allein  mir  fehlt  der  Glaube.' 

But  it  was  not  so  very  long   before  it  became 

apparent    that    it    was    just    those    few    who    were 

right. 

I  hear  the  message,  but  I  lack  the  faith. 
67 


68  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

The  truth  of  the  matter  is,  that  the  breach  with 
Bismarck,  far  from  being  the  outcome  of  any  very 
remarkable  qualities  in  WilHam  II,  was,  on  the 
contrary,  prompted  by  the  weaknesses  in  his 
character.  All  the  dilettante  element  in  his  nature, 
which  was  fostered  by  flattering  and  unreliable 
friends,  now  came  triumphantly  to  the  front  with 
his    belief   in   his   own    perfection. 

"  We  shall  keep  the  old  course — full  steam 
ahead  !  " 

If  the  great  bulk  of  his  contemporaries,  and 
particularly  of  his  own  countrymen,  had  possessed 
the  power  of  reflection,  they  would  at  once 
have  becom.e  aware  of  the  hopelessness  of  this 
paradox. 

Bismarck  could  not  be  set  on  one  side  after 
governing  for  twenty-eight  years,  and  yet  the  course 
remain  as  before.  This  man  represented  a  system 
— independent  of  the  fact  that  he  himself  was  a 
personality.  Endowed  with  an  appreciation  of  the 
truth,  untouched  by  any  mysticism  or  sense  of 
theatrical  efl"ect,  he  realized  that  even  "  blood  and 
iron  "  had  their  limits,  and,  based  on  this  sober 
conviction,  he  tried  to  conduct  a  consistent  foreign 
policy,  the  leading  idea  of  which  was  concentra- 
tion. For  the  sake  of  this  policy  he  not  only 
laboured  to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  Russia, 
but  he  even  conquered  his  instinctive  dislike  of 
England,  and  as  late  as  the  year  before  his  retire- 
ment he  realized  that  any  policy  that  might  en- 
danger the  traditional  good  understanding  between 
England  and  Germany  would  be  fatal.  "  Even 
if  we  were  successful  in  building  a  fleet  as  strong 
as    England's    we    have    still    to    fear    an    alliance 


THE   NEW   MASTER  69 

between  England  and  France.  This  is  a  policy 
that  we  cannot  continue." 

It  was  just  this  old  course  that  VVilHam  II  dis- 
carded at  the  moment  when  he  "  dropped  the 
pilot,"  and  it  is  only  one  more  proof  of  his  im'- 
perfectly  developed  political  capacities  and  the  want 
of  forethought  in  all  his  actions  that  he  came 
forward  with  no  further  intention  than  that  of 
simply  taking  the   tiller   into  his   own  hands. 

Fortunately,  the  majority  of  his  countrymen  had 
more  foresight  than  himself. 

"  We  Germans  are  superior  to  others  in  every 
direction,"  said  a  Prussian  statesman  some  years 
ago  to  Prince  Biilow,  who  wia3  'Chancellor  at  the 
time.  "  But  there  is  one  thing  in  which  we  are 
lacking." 

"  What  is  that?  "  asked  the  Cliancellor,  who 
himself  refers  to.  the  conversation  in  his  well- 
known   book,    "  Deutsche    Politik."  ^ 

"  We  are   perfect   asses   in  politics." 

Never  w;as  this  so  apparent  as  at  the  moment 
when  Bismarck  retired.  Everything  that  could  be 
called  public  criticism  died,  not  only  the  power  of 
political  reflection,  but  also  the  faculty  of  seeing 
what  was  most  important  in  the  most  powerful 
mind  of  the  nation. 

"  One  would  think  that  courage,  veracity,  and 
every  recollection  of  Germany's  greatness  had  dis- 
appeared from  German  soil,"  says  the  well-known 
political  author  Otto  Mittelstadt.  The  base  and 
despicable  attitude  which  the  German  Press  took 
up,  before   the  eyes  of  the  whole  world,  towards 

'  A  volume  of  the  work  "  Deutschland  unter  Kaiser  William  1 1," 
translated  into  English  under  the  title  of  "  Imperial  Germany." 


70  WILLIAM  THE   SECOND 

Bisrrtarck  in  disgrace  cannot  be  fathomed  by  any 
measure  of  contempt. 

Hohenlohe  also  felt  that  all  was  not  as  it  should 
be.  As  eatly  as  March.  24th  he  noites  that  there 
was  an  overwhelming  sense  of  complacency  in 
Court  circles.  People  went  about  as  "  jolly  as 
sandboys  "  because  they  could  now  talk  openly, 
and  no  longer  need  be  in  fear  of  the  great  man. 
In  the  Reichstag  Bismarck's  retirement  was  not 
mentioned  at  all,  but  on  the  other  hand  he  wag 
enthusiastically  cheered  by  the  people  as  he  drove  to 
the  station  as  a  "Lieutenant -General  of  Cavalry," 
with  a  military  escort,  on  his  way  to  Friedrichsruhe. 
But  this  demonstration  had  no  real  significance  ; 
it  was  only  a  spontaneous  outburst,  without  a  traqe 
of  the  indignation  which  alonse  would  have  been 
worthy  of  the  moment. 

It  is  against  this  strangely  unsympathetic  back- 
ground that  we  must  consider  the  change  of  system 
which  was  now  introduced.  It  is  the  beginning 
of  the  age  of  iniyovr),^  all  that  intensely  modern, 
materialistic  Germany  with  its  overwhelming  dis- 
cipline, its  progressive  efficiency,  its  ubiquity,  and 
all  the  amazing  results  of  these  things  ;  but  at 
the  same  time  with  its  crushing  of  all  personality, 
its  love  of  official  phrases,  and  its  State-made 
morality — Deutschland  iiber  Alles,  as  unavoidable 
in  theory  as  in  fact. 

Hohenlohe  notices  the  change  after  three 
months. 

"  Two  things  struck  me  during  the  three  days 
I  was  in  Berlin,"  he  says  in  his  Diary  for  June 
1 8th.      "The   first   is,   that   no   one   ever  has   any 

'  Increase  or  growth. 


THE   NEW   MASTER  7\ 

time  to  spare,  and  that  there  is  much  more  bustle 
than  before.  The  second  is  that  all  individuals 
are  puffed  up.  Every  one  is  conscious  of  himself. 
Those  who  were  formerly  suppressed  under  the 
overwhelming  influence  of  Count  Bismarck  have 
now  all  expanded  like  sponges  soaked  in  water. 
This  has  its  advantages,  but  it  also  has  its  dangers. 
There  is   no   unity  of  feeling  here." 

At  the  moment,   however,   all   promised   well. 

The  International  Labour  Congress,  which  the 
Kaiser  had  summoned  in  response  to  Bismarck's 
pessimistic  suggestion,  opened  on  March  i  5th,  the 
same  day  on  Which  the  historic  encounter  took 
place  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Chancellor. 
The  Minister  of  Commerce  opened  the  Congress 
with  a  speech  in  the  name  of  the  Kaiseir.,  His 
Majesty  did  not  appear  at  the  opening,  as  many 
of  his  people  had  expected,  neither  did  he  attend 
a  single  one  of  the  meetings.  To  make  up  for 
this  the  members  of  the  Congress  were  invited 
to  a  great  Court  reception  and  concert,  at  which 
the  Prince  of  Wales  and  his  son,  the  present 
King  George,  were  among  the  guests.  There  was 
also  'a  banquet  at  which  the  Kaiser  presided. 
In  a  conversation  with  the  well-known  French 
politician  Jules  Simon,  who  later  on  published 
an  account  of  this  tete-d-tete,  the  Emperor  appeared 
as  a  grand  charmeur,  and  seems  to  have  entirely 
captured  this  benevolent,  highly  cultivated,  but  not 
particularly  keen-sighted  judge  of  human  nature. 

The  Kaiser's  French  is  excellent,  and  his  know- 
ledge of  French  literature  simply  bewildering.  He 
has  his  likes  and  dislikes,  and  hides  neither  the  one 
nor  the  other.     Zola  arouses  his  displeasure  :    "  He 


72  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

poisons  the  public  with  immorality,  and  by  no 
means  deserves  his  popularity.  But  Georges  Ohnet 
is  another  man  altogether — an  author  of  whom 
France  may  be  proud." 

From  literature  they  passed  rapidly  on  to  social 
questions,  and  from  these  to  military  ones.  Jules 
Simon  frankly  brought  forward  the  question  of 
war  between  France  and  Germany,  whilst  empha- 
sizing that  love  of  peax:e  which  is  ingrained  in 
the  French  nation. 

The  Kaiser  became  animated. 

"  I  tell  you  plainly.  Your  Army  has  worked 
well.  If,  therefore — which  seems  to  me  impossible 
— you  took  the  field  against  the  German  Army, 
no  one  could  predict  the  result  of  such  a  fight  ! 
Therefore  I  regard  the  man  who  would  drive 
these  two  nations  into  war  as  a  criminal  and  a 
fool." 

But  of  course  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  not  for- 
gotten either. 

At  a  banquet  given  on  March  22nd  the  Kaiser 
appeared  in  the  uniform  of  an  English  Admiral. 
In  his  speech  he  reminded  the  Prince  that  their 
nations  were  brothers  in  arms  at  Waterloo,  and  he 
expressed  the  hope  that  the  British  Fleet,  in  con- 
junction 'with  the  German  Army,  might  prove 
strong  enough  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  whole 
world. 

Old  Moltke,  who  was  sitting  near,  turned  quickly 
to  his  neighbour.  Prince  Hohenlohe,  and  reminded 
him  of  Goethe's  words  :  "  A  political  song  is  a 
poor  song."  '  He  also  expressed  the  hope  that 
the  Imperial  speech  would  hot  get  into  the  news- 

'  The  original  text  :  "  Ein  politisch  Lied  ein  garstig  Lied." 


THE   NEW   MASTER  73 

papers.  But  everybody  was  not  so  wise  as  the 
old  Field-Marshal.  The  next  day  the  "  Waterloo 
speech  "  was  repeated  all  over  the  world,  to  the 
astonishment  of  the  general  public,  who  could 
not  understand  the  object  of  it  just  when  the 
French  delegates  to  the  Labour  Conference  were 
staying  in  Berlin. 

This  criticism,  which,  of  course,  was  perfectly 
justifiable,  shows,  however,  that  the  Emperor  was 
not  understood.  One  cannot  expect  to  find  any 
consistency  in  a  nature  such  as  his  beyond  the 
purely  military  and  monarchical  ideals  which  had 
become  a  part  of  himself,  and  were  of  vital  int- 
portance  to  his  own  power.  In  everything  else 
he  lived  and  breathed  in  an  atmosphere  of  caprice. 
His  presents  were  just  as  astonishing  as  his  words, 
and  at  the  conclusion  of  the  Labour  Conference 
he  sent  Jules  Simon  a  folio  edition  of  Frederick 
the  Great's  musical  works,  beautifully  bound,  and 
with  an  inscription   in  the   Kaiser's  own  hand. 

A  few  days  later  he  went  to  Bremen  and  laid 
the  foundation  stone  of  a  monument  to  his  grand- 
father. The  event  was  interesting — ^not  in  itself, 
but  because  it  was  the  Emperor's  first  public 
appearance  after  the  retirement  of  Bismarck.  He 
spoke  at  the  Town  Hall  and  also  on  board  one 
of  the  North  German  Lloyd's  steamers.  Although 
his  meaning  was  a  little  obscure,  it  was  clear 
enough  to  show  the  principles  which  guided  his 
government  right  up  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Great 
War. 

"It  is  a  tradition  in  our  house, "  said  he  in  a 
speech  on  the  part  played  by  the  Hohenzollems 
in  the  development  of  Germany,  "  that  we  regard 


74  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

ourselves  as  chosen  by  God  to  govern  and  guide 
the  people  over  whom  we  are  appointed  to  rule, 
so  that  we  may  promote  their  welfare  and  further 
their  material  and  spiritual  interests.  .  .  .  What- 
ever clouds  or  dark  days  may  be  in  stoire  for  our 
Fatherland,  our  Navy,  or  our  commerce,  surely 
we  Germans  shall  nevertheless  succeed  by  vigorous 
striving  towards  the  goal  in  accordance  with  the 
good  maxim,  '  We  Germans  fear  God,  and  nothing 
else  in  the  world.'  Therefore  I  will  make  this 
request  to  you.  Should  much  of  what  appears  in 
the  Press  and  in  public  life  seem  obscure  to  you, 
and  should — as  unfortunately  happens  far  too  often 
— my  words  and  utterances  have  all  so,rts  of  mean- 
ings ascribed  tO;  them  which  are  not  justified, 
remember  what  I  actually  said,  and  remember 
alsO'  that  old  maxim  of  an  old  Emperor,  '  The 
word  of  an  Emperor  must  not  be  twisted  or  turned 
about.'  "  I 

As  a  hymn  in  praise  of  absolute  power,  this 
speech  is  perhaps  one  of  the  most  typical  he 
has  ever  made.  The  German  nation  is  here  invited 
to  commit  itself  to  him  without  criticism,  in  the 
firm  confidence  that  he  has  not  only  the  will 
but  the  power  to  guide  everything  towards  the 
highest  good  of  the  Fatherland.  He  is  to  lead 
the  way  in  political,  social,  and  economic  matters, 
furnish  the  inspiration  for  ag'riculture  and  com- 
merce, mechanics  and  navigation,  literature  and 
art,  ethics  and  science.  Besides  all  this,  he  as 
supreme  War-Lord,  must  keep  the  Army  and 
Navy  on  a  level  with  the  times,  and  by  continual 

'  Rudolf  of  Habsburg  (1273-90),  founder  of  the  present 
Imperial  House  of  Austria. 


THE  NEW  MASTER  75 

travelling  on  land  and  sea  forward  the  interests 
of  European    peace. 

But  it  is  not  enough  to  obtain  the  submission 
of  adults  only.  Above  all  things  it  is  necessary 
to  instil  those  ideas  into  the  young  from  their 
earliest  years.  A  common  foundation  of  discipline, 
loyalty,  and  the  fear  of  God  mtist  be  laid,  which 
shall  coincide  with  the  o^cial  system  to  be  de- 
fended. Every  person  must  thoroughly  understand 
that  patriotism  and  the  Hohenzolleirn  cult  are 
identical,  that  criticism  is  evil,  and  that  "  those 
who  oppose  me  I  will  strike  down."  '  Every 
single  German  must  go  o.ut  into  life  as  a  missionary 
for  this  idea,  instil  its  principles  at  home  and 
abroad,  and  carry  it  as  a  banner  before  him  into 
all  parts  of  the  world. 

The  Kaiser  still  took  his  stand  on  the  same 
ground  as  Bismarck,  that  the  Germany  which  had 
been  created  as  a  result  of  united  effort  had  enough 
problems  to  solve  in  Europe,  and  that  its  worldly 
ambitions  ought  not  to  extend  farther  than  to 
take  part  in  the  peaceful  international  competi- 
tion which  consists  in  raising  intellectual  and 
material  standards,  and  creating  new  conditions 
for  civilization  and  progress.  But  in  practice 
this  aim  was  already  becoming  too  narrow 
for  him. 

One  step  more  and  he  was  in  the  midst  of  his 
projected  task,  that  of  making  Germany  a  World- 
Power,  with  all  the  possibilities  involved  in  such  a 
policy.  Involuntarily  he  felt  the  necessity  of  making 
some  reservations,  and  in  this  same  speech  we  are 

'  Original  :  diejenigen  welche  sich  mir  entgegenstellen 
zerschmettere  ich. 


y(>  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

considering  he  said  :  "  Moments  may  occur  when 
doubts  may  be  felt  in  the  business  community,  and 
when  it  may  seem  to  the  uninitiated  as  though 
things  were  approaching  a  crisis.  They  may  be 
quite  sure,  however,  that  many  things  are  not  as 
bad  as  they  appear  to  be." 

But  there  was  one  class  which  refused  con- 
sistently to  follow  the  lead  of  William  II,  and 
this  class  was  supported  in  the  Reichstag  by  an 
increasing   number   of   voters. 

The  year  before,  while  receiving  a  deputation 
of  miners,  the  Kaiser  had  referred  to  the  socialistic 
Labour  Movement  in  these  words:  "To  me  a 
Social  Democrat  is  synonymous  with  an  enemy 
to  the  Empire  and  the  Fatherland,"  and  that  speech 
naturally  produced  its  effect.  At  the  Reichstag 
elections  in  1890,  in  the  midst  of  the  Imperial 
endeavours  to  guide  the  Labour  Movement  into 
the  official  path  of  loyalty  and  confidence  in  the 
vigilance  of  Government,  the  Social  Democrats 
secured  1,400,000  votes.  It  was  an  answer  which 
could  not  be  misunderstood,  and  in  a  speech  made 
to  a  commission  appointed  that  same  year,  to 
reform  the  higher  educational  department,  the 
Kaiser  emphasized  the  necessity  of  exterminating 
Socialism  by  means,  among  other  things,  of  public 
education.  "  All  the  vague  and  confused  reformers 
of  the  world  ;who  are  constantly  turning  up,  are 
to  a  large  iextent  a  product  of  this  higher  educa- 
tion, with  its  unreal  and  defective  system,  which 
serves  only  to  turn  out  an  academical  proletariat. 
All  'these  so-called  famine  candidates — that  is  to 
say  the  gentlemen  of  the  journalist  profession — 
are   in   numerous   'cases    starving   students.      It    is 


THE   NEW    MASTER  77 

dangerous.  This  over-production  must  be  checked. 
My  ancestors  held  their  fingers  on  the  pulse  of 
time,  and  were  able  to  foresee  the  future  course  of 
events.  Consequently  they  kept  themselves  at  the 
head  of  the  movement  which  they  had  determined 
to  guide  and  lead  on  to  the  new  goal.  I  believe 
that  I  have  rightly  understood  what  are  the 
tendencies  of  the  new  spirit,  and  the  century  now 
drawing  to  its  close,  and  I  am  resolved,  in  the 
matter  of  the  education  of  our  coming  generation, 
to  open  up  new  ground,  as  I  resolved  in  the 
matter  of  social   reform." 

There  is  an  excess  of  confidence  underlying 
these  words  which  would  be  impressive  if  they 
expressed  a  really  unbiassed  attitude  in  the  face 
of  past  and  present  events.  Now  they  were  only 
a  further  revelation  of  the  two  most  conspicuous 
weaknesses  in  the  Kaiser — his  lack  of  historical 
comprehension  and  his  displeasure,  not  to  say  his 
exasperation,  at  anything  in  the  nature  of  free 
criticism. 

No  one  who  is  acquainted  with  the  history  of 
the  Hohenzollems  will  seriously  allege  that  they 
ever  "  held  their  fingers  on  the  pulse  of  time  and 
foresaw  the  future  course  of  events."  The  truth 
is  that  there  were  a  number  of  distinctly  second- 
rate  persons  among  them,  and  that  many  of  them, 
who  were  somewhat  bombastic,  shrink  consider- 
ably on  closer  examination.  Some  of  the  best 
of  them,  among  whom  was  the  old  Emperor 
William,  were  forced  to  take  the  steps  most  bene- 
ficial to  the  country  by  bold  and  far-seeing  coun- 
sellors. The  Kaiser  knows  nothing  of  this.  To 
him  every  HohenzoUern   is  a  Christian,  a  hero,  a 


78  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

warrior,  with  great  plans  and  high  ideals.  As 
their  descendant,  he  will  lead  the  way  for  his 
people  and  for  the  whole  world  in  the  struggle  for 
human  civilization. 

But  distrust  is  deeply  ingrained  in  human  nature 
— even  among  the  Germans.  "  A  spirit  of  dis- 
obedience is  creeping  over  the  country,"  he  says 
in  the  speech  at  the  beginning  of  i  891 .  "  Wrapped 
in  a  bright  and  deceptive  garment,  it  is  endea- 
vouring to  confuse  the  minds  of  my  people,  and 
to  lead  astray  the  men  who  are  devoted  to  me. 
It  expends  an  ocean  of  printer's  ink  and  paper 
to  conceal  those  paths  which  are  as  clear  as  day- 
light and  which  must  be  clear  to  every  man  who 
knows  me  and  my  principles.  But  I  will  not 
allow  this  to  trouble  me,  though  it  should  cut 
me  to  the  heart  to  see  my  intentions  so  miscon- 
strued. Our  present  party  divisions  are  founded 
on  interests  which  are  often  pursued  far  too  keenly, 
each  man  for  himself.  It  is  greatly  to  the  credit 
of  my  ancestors  that  they  never  stooped  to  serve 
political  parties,  but  always  kept  above  them, 
and  that  they  were  successful  in  uniting  the  various 
parties   in  work  for  the  good  of  all." 

This  assertion  also  betrays  a  regrettable  con- 
fusion of  ideas,  which  can  only  be  the  result 
of  a  faulty  teaching  of  history  in  youth.  He  was, 
by  teachers  whom  he  had  reason  to  consider  high- 
principled  and  sincere,  gradually  led  to  adopt  an 
historical  view  quite  inconsistent  with  fact,  and 
we  have  heard  that  his  most  distinguished  pro- 
fessor at  Bonn  was  horrified  at  his  pupil's  attitude 
with  respect  to  history.  With  his  vivid  imagina- 
tion, his  restless,  domineering  will,  and  his  anti- 


THE    NEW   MASTER  79 

quated  ideals,  he  became  from  the  time  of  his 
accession  an  easy  prey  to  that  faithless  coterie 
which,  with  Waldersee  as  leader  and  Philip  Eulen- 
burg  as  his  most  dangerous  satellite,  fostered  all 
the  fantastic  illusions  and  arrogance  in  his  nature. 
This  circumstance  must  be  considered  as  a  certain 
excuse  for  William  II,  and  at  the  same  time  as 
an  explanation,  not  only  of  Bismarck's  fall  but 
also  of  the  fate  which  later  on  overtook  Caprivi 
— to  mention  two  of  the  most  characteristic 
examples.  But  in  reality  these  two  episodes  were 
only  part  of  the  natural  introduction  to  that  domi- 
nation the  further  course  of  which  is  displayed 
so  remorselessly  to-day — the  whole  series  of 
attempts  and  half-measures,  blunders  and  dis- 
appointments, dramatic  victories  and  political 
defeats,  wiiich  characterize  the  government  of 
William  II  right  down  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
Great  War. 

He  is  the  young  Emperor  in  the  second  part  of 
"  Faust,"  risen  from  the  dead  at  the  end  of  the 
nineteenth  century. 

Ihm  ist  die  Biust  von  hohem  Willen  voll, 

Doch  was  er  will,  es  darf's  kein  Mensch  ergriinden 

Was  er  den  Treusten  in  das  Ohr  geraunt, 

Es  ist  gethan,  iind  alle  Welt  erstaunt. ' 

It  is  therefore  quite  consistent  that  the  system 
of  government  by  surprise,  which  was  now  intro- 
duced,  and  which   for  years  to  come  was  to  give 

'  His  mind  is  with  a  lofty  purpose  full  ; 

Into  his  purpose  though  must  no  man  enter. 

What  to  his  trustiest  he  softW  breathes, 

'Tis  done, — and  all  the  world  with  wonder  seethes. 


8o  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

the  world  so  much  to  talk  and  write  about,  should 
be  inaugurated  by  an  historical  play  which  was 
a  glorification  of   the  greatest  event  of  the   year. 

Six  months  after  Bismarck's  fall  a  play  was 
put  on  the  stage  at  one  of  the  Berlin  theatres 
with  the  significant  title  der  neue  Herr.  As  a 
dramatic  work  it  was  utterly  worthless,  but  the 
subject  of  which  it  treated  had  an  immediate 
interest,  which  showed  that  the  author  was  a  good 
man  of  business.  It  told  how  the  "  Great  Elector  " 
— the  Kaiser's  historical  ideal — when  a  young  man 
had  managed  to  get  rid  of  an  inconvenient 
Minister. 

"  Everything  depends  on  the  way  one  makes 
the  King  look  at  things,"  '  says  one  of  the 
characters   in   Lessing's   Minna  von  Barnhelm. 

In  this  case  also  the  truth  of  this  remark  was 
proved. 

The  Kaiser  saw  the  piece  several  times, 
applauded  it  in  a  demonstrative  manner,  and 
distinguished  not  only  the  author  but  also  the 
principal  actors. 

His  action,  however,  was  not  a  well-considered 
one. 

The  public,  though  they  did  not  fathom  the  nature 
and  extent  of  all  that  was  involved  in  the  downfall 
of  Bismarck,  and  had  been  tranquil  witnesses  of 
his  dismissal,  felt  on  further  consideration  that 
they  were  by  no  means  particularly  charmed  at 
seeing   the   episode   displayed  upon   the  stage. 

'  Original  :  Tout  depend  de  la  maniere  dont  on  fait  envisager 
les  choses  au  roi. 


CHAPTER    VII 

AN    ENLIGHTENED   POLICY 

Four  days  after  Bismarck's  dismissal  and  the 
appointment  of  Caprivi  the  old  and  the  new 
Chancellors  took  breakfast  together.  Bismarck, 
who  had  not  yet  moved  out  of  the  Chancellor's 
palace,  wished  to  ask  his  successor  to  the  house 
in  order  to  show  him  that  he  personally  bore  no 
ill  will  to  him,  and  Caprivi,  who  had  no  pettiness 
in  his  nature,  accepted  the  invitation  in  the  same 
spirit. 

It  was  inevitable,  however,  that  feeling  should 
be  a  little  strained. 

"  I  feel  like  a  small  child,  with  its  eyes  bound, 
who  has  been  pushed  into  a  dark  room,"  Caprivi 
confided  to  his  hostess,  Frau  Johanna.  During 
the  meal  he  remarked  to  Bismarck  : — 

"  If  the  Kaiser  sent  me  and  my  army  corps 
to  a  place  where  w^^e  were  threatened  with  destruc- 
tion, I  would  first  remonstrate  ;  but  on  the  com- 
mand being  repeated,  I  should  obey  without 
inquiring  what  the  result,  might  be.  I  shall  do 
the   same   thing   in   my  present  position." 

This  utterance  gives  us  an  admirable  insight 
into  Caprivi's  loyal  character  ;  but  at  the  same 
time    it    throws    a   glaring    light   over    the   system 

n  8l 


82  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

which  could  misuse  such  a  character  in  so  Oriental 
a  manner.  It  was  docihty  now,  and  not  skill, 
which  was  the  most  important  quahty  in  a 
Chancellor. 

A  few  days  later  Bismarck  took  leave  of  Caprivi 
in  his  writing-room. 

"Has  your  Excellency  anything  to  tell  me  or 
any  question  you  wish  to  ask?  "  said  the  retiring 
Chancellor,  with  the  right  which  his  genius  and 
his  fifty  years'  experience  of  public  life  gave  him, 
in  such  a  moment  as  this. 

"  I  have  nothing  to  tell  your  Highness  nor  any 
question  to  ask  your  Highness,"  answered  the  new 
Chancellor,  who  had  not  yet  been  a  week  in  his 
position. 

This  answer,  which  in  no  way  expressed 
Caprivi 's  personal  opinion,  was  a  compulsory  one. 
At  the  audience  on  February  ist,  when  he  had 
made  representations  to  the  Kaiser  and  referred 
to  his  complete  ignorance  of  State  matters,  with 
which  he  had  never  had  anything  to  do,  his  Majesty 
had  calmed  him  with  a  sovereign  assurance  : — 

"  Never  mind  I  You  will  receive  all  your  in- 
structions from  me." 

Thus  did  Caprivi,  at  the  age  of  fifty-nine,  enter 
upon  the  highest  and  most  responsible  office  in 
the  State,  without  a  single  link  with  the  past  and 
without  a  single  conference  with  Bismarck  as  to 
the  main  lines  of  his  home  and  foreign  policy. 
It  constituted  such  a  complete  breach  of  every- 
thing which  is  known  as  continuity  in  public  life 
that  it  is  not  easy  to  find  a  parallel  to  it  in 
recent  times. 

But  it  is  not  sufficient  for  a  sovereign  who  has 


AN   ENLIGHTENED   POLICY  83 

determined  to  act  for  himself  to  have  docile 
Ministers  with  just  enough  intelligence  to  grasp 
his  ideas  and  defend  his  views  in  the  National 
Assembly.  He  must  also  himself  speak  directly 
to  the  nation,  to  give  them  directions  and  wise 
advice.  As  long  as  the  old  Emperor  lived  the 
German  people  had  not  been  much  indulged  in 
this  respect.  William  I,  like  all  the  Hohenzol- 
lerns  '  until  the  time  of  the  present  Emperor,  with 
the  single  exception  of  Frederick  William  IV, 
was  a  man  of  few  words,  and  the  things  he  had 
at  heart  he  instructed  Bismark  to  communicate  to 
the  Reichstag.  With  William  II  there  came  a  de- 
cided change.  It  attracted  attention  at  first,  as 
anything  new  will  do,  but  comparatively  soon 
lost  its  effect  through  constant  repetition.  Even 
at  the  time  of  Bismarck's  fall  a  reaction  had 
already  begun  to  appear  in  public  opinion  as  to 
the  continual  speeches  and  the  continual  journeys. 
Yet  this  was  just  the  moment  when  he  wished  to 
establish  himself  definitely  as  the  tireless  mis- 
sionary of  his  people  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
The  scanty  notes  in  the  Diary,  unmarked  by 
a  single  critical  remark  or  shadow  of  reflection, 
are  an  indication  of  the  rush  and  hurry  which 
characterized  his  restless  existence.  Impressions 
speed  by  like  glimpses  of  a  landscape  seen  from 
the  window  of  a  railway  carriage.  During  the  first 
three  months  after  he  had  taken  the  tiller  of  the 
State  into  his  own  hands  he  was  engaged  on  forty- 
eight  days  in  the  capital  and  out  of  it.     He  laid 

*  Neither  the  Great  Elector  nor  Frederick  II — to  mention  the 
two  most  conspicuous  representatives  of  the  family — have  left 
behind  them  a  single  recorded  speech. 


84  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

foundation-stones  of  churches  and  quays,  inspected 
garrisons,  took  the  lead  in  parades  and  in  siege 
manoeuvres,  was  present  at  sacred  concerts  and 
at  baptisms,  and  even  found  time  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  latest  improvements  in  in- 
stantaneous photography.  He  went  to  see  his 
grandmother.  Queen  Victoria,  at  Darmstadt  ;  the 
Empress  Elizabeth  of  Austria,  yearning  for  soli- 
tude, was  honoured  by  a  visit  from  him  in  Wies- 
baden. A  few  days  later  he  stayed  the  night  at 
Wartburg,  and  slept  in  the  room  with  that  historic 
stain  on  the  wall  left  by  the  inkpot  which  Luther 
flung  at  the  devil. 

The  opening  of  the  Reichstag  recalled  him  to 
Berlin,  and  in  his  speech  from  the  throne  he 
announced  that  he  was  determined  to  meet  any 
revolutionary  attempt  to  shake  the  existing  order 
of  things  "  with  inflexible  determination."  At  the 
same  time,  he  announced  as  a  fact  that  "  I  have 
been  successful  with  all  foreign  Governments  in 
establishing  the  trustworthiness  of  my  policy."  He 
remembered  both  the  living  and  the  dead — in- 
cluding Moltke's  services  in  peace  and  war  (which 
he  suddenly  took  a  fancy  to  remind  him  of  in 
a  telegram).  General  Pape's  sixty  years'  jubilee 
as  an  officer,  the  hundred  and  fiftieth  anniversary 
of  Frederick  H's  accession  to  the  throne,  and  the 
four  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  Duke 
Albrecht  of  Prussia. 

There  was  the  echo  of  a  sigh  in  the  words  he 
pronounced  when  unveiling  a  memorial  to  his 
grandfather  at  Wernigerode,  in  Saxony  :  "  All 
rulers  have  their  troubles,  and  from  time  to  time 
they  feel   the  need   of   rest."     But   this   was  only 


AN    ENLIGHTENED   POLICY  85 

a  passing  weakness  against  which  he  himself  is  a 
living  protest.  The  next  day  he  was  in  Essen, 
far  away  in  Western  Germany,  where  he  made  a 
speech  to  a  deputation  of  750  of  Krupp's  work- 
men, while  twenty-four  hours  later  he  dedicated 
a  number  of  new  banners  at  Lichterfeld,  near 
Berlin. 

Ten  days  later  he  was  at  Christiania — the 
beginning  of  a  foreign  tour  which  lasted  two 
months,  and  included,  among  other  things,  a  fresh 
official  visit  to  England  and  the  second  of  those 
official  visits  to  Russia  to  which  Bismarck  was  so 
much  opposed.  At  a  banquet  at  the  palace  of 
King  Oscar  he  gave  a  frank  explanation  of  his 
reason  for  so  many  journeys.  "  I  consider  it  neces- 
sary for  a  ruler,"  he  said,  "  to  gain  his  own 
information  about  everything  and  to  collect 
opinions  from  their  direct  sources  and  to  learn 
to  know  his  neighbours  so  as  to  create  and  main- 
tain good  relations  with  them.  These  are  the 
objects  of  my  journeys  abroad." 

There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  these  words 
were  not  meant  exactly  as  they  were  spoken.  But 
it  is  beyond  doubt  that  life  and  circumstances 
have  given  them  quite  another  scope  than  that 
of  satisfying  a  natural  desire  for  knowledge,  and 
the  desirability  of  cultivating  acquaintanceships. 
By  repeating  these  journeys  year  after  year  they 
gradually  became  part  of  a  political  and  economic 
system,  the  object  of  which  was  to  open  the  way 
for  German  wares,  German  methods,  German 
capital,  German  culture  and  ideas.  In  this  way 
a  certain  unofficial,  but  none  the  less  •  important, 
co-operation    gradually    established    itself   between 


86  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

the  monarch,  who  was  constantly  conveying  his 
speeches,  and  his  uniforms,  about  a  continent,  and 
the  ordinary  commercial  traveller  with  his  samples 
and  his  trunks.  Each  wanted  to  "  gain  informa- 
tion "  for  himself  and  "  to  maintain  good  rela- 
tions with  others."  German  capital  followed  all 
over  Europe,  new  enterprises  sprang  up,  especially 
after  the  problem  of  transmitting  electricity  over 
long  distances  had  been  solved.  German 
engineering  triumphed,  German  chemical  indus- 
tries no  less.  German  mechanics  ran  up  their 
scaffoldings  in  all  countries,  while  architects  built 
German  habitations  to  the  best  of  their  ability, 
so  that  the  strangers  mig'ht  feel  themselves  at 
home.  It  was  a  display  of  natural  powers,  deter- 
mined ability,  and  antlike  industry  which  it  would 
be  foolish  not  to  recognize  as  a  whole,  and  as 
foolish  to  'deny  the  Germans  their  right  to  be 
proud  of.  The  dangerous  side  of  it  was  that 
it  contained  an  element  of  exaggeration,  'which 
might  easily  become  importunity,  in  a  people  like 
the  Geranans,  whose  sensitiveness  is  so  poorly 
developed  and  who  are  so  markedly  unable  to 
understand  the  ideas  of  others. 

It  was  in  this  way  that  by  degrees  the  German 
Weltpolitik  I  arose,  which,  from  its  very  nature 
must  be  aggressive,  and  of  which  the  Kaiser,  with 
his  impulsive  temperament,  his  military  and  auto- 
cratic ideals,  his  self-confidence,  and  his  under- 
estimation of  all  difficulties,  seemed  to  be  a 
specially  fitting  exponent.  His  speeches,  particu- 
larly those  after  1895,  teem  with  illuminating 
information  on  this  point,  whilst  the  years  imme- 
»  World  policy. 


AN   ENLIGHTENED   POLICY  87 

diateiy  following  Bismarck's  fall — or,  in  other 
words,  the  period  we  have  now  reached — may  be 
considered  as  an  introduction  to  it.  There  was, 
therefore,  a  certain  domestic  character  about 
Caprivi's  Chancellorship.  There  was  time  to  pay 
attention  to  home  afifairs,  and  also  to  combat  Bis- 
marck publicly  and  to  plot  against  him,  with  the 
assistance  of  Ambassadors  abroad.  In  spite  of 
all  the  official  journeys,  or,  more  truly,  because 
of  their  exaggerated  frequency,  a  certain  insta- 
bility was  observable  in  foreign  policy,  whilst  the 
colonial  policy,  towards  which  Caprivi  never  had 
any  inclination,  gradually  became  characterized  by 
a  degree  of  pedantry  and  pomp  which  for  years 
to  come  made  that  branch  of  German  administration 
more  or  less  of  a  caricature. 

One  of  the  main  reasons  for  Bismarck's  retire- 
ment was,  as  we  have  seen,  his  disagreement  with 
the  Kaiser  in  respect  of  the  Reassurance  Treaty 
with  Russia.  To  the  Kaiser,  and  therefore  also  to 
Caprivi,  this  treaty  did  not  seem  entirely  loyal 
to  Austria-Hungary,  an  opinion  which  no  one  is 
likely  to  dispute  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was 
evident  that  the  link  with  Russia  could  not  be 
abandoned  without  closer  ties  being  formed  in  some 
other  quarter.  Only  one  State  could  be  thought 
of  in  this  connection — namely,  England.  There 
was  no  greater  admirer  of  her  sea  power  than  the 
Kaiser,  whose  naval  schemes  at  that  time  were 
still  in  their  embryonic  stage  and  whose  ambition 
went  no  farther  than  to  have  the  largest  and  the 
most  perfect  of  armies. 

The  most  evident  sign  at  that  moment  that 
England  and  Germany  were  drawing  together  was 


88  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

the  so-called  Heligoland  Agreement  of  June  17, 
1890.  In  that  agreement,  which  took  the  form 
of  an  exchange,  England  ceded  the  island  of 
Heligoland  to  Germany.  In  return  Germany  gave 
up  the  Protectorate  of  Witu  and  Somaliland  in 
East  Africa,  just  north  of  the  British  possessions, 
and  also  the  Protectorate  of  Zanzibar  and  the 
neighbouring  island  of  Pemba,  which,  however, 
Germany  had  never  actually  possessed.  Owing 
to  the  great  importance  of  this  island  to  her, 
England  decided,  both  on  practical  grounds  and 
as  a  matter  of  fairness,  to  come  to  an  amicable 
agreement  with  the  Sultan  of  Zanzibar  on  pay- 
ment of  a  sum  of  money. 

Opinion  upon  this  agreement  coincided  in 
England  and  Germany,  though  the  standpoints 
were  different.  As  an  expression  of  British  public 
opinion,  a  remark  by  H.  M.  Stanley  was  much 
quoted.  "  HeHgoland  for  East  Africa  and  Zanzi- 
bar— it  is  like  exchanging  a  trouser  button  for  a 
whole  suit,"  said  the  well-known  explorer,  ^vho 
was  undoubtedly  qualified  to  give  his  opinion  on 
the  subject. 

The  Germans  looked  at  it  in  the  same  way. 
That  glittering  "  trouser  button,"  the  use  of  which 
they  could  not  then  understand,  aroused  their 
anger,  and  it  would  be  easy  to  prove  by  quota- 
tions from  articles  in  the  Press  to  what  a  height 
the  tide  of  their  displeasure  and  bitterness  was 
running  at  that  time.  Many  of  the  opinions  then 
expressed  were  based  on  misconceptions  which  time 
has  long  since  dispelled  ;  others  have  proved  them- 
selves remarkably  persistent  right  down  to  recent 
years,    and    were    not    actually    silenced   until    the 


AN   ENLIGHTENED   POLICY  89 

outbreak  of  the  Great  War.  This  is  no  proof, 
however,  that  the  Kaiser  was  in  the  right  and 
the  people  in  the  wrong  at  that  time.  Rather 
should  it  be  said  that  this  displeasure  was  grounded 
upon  a  real  and  true  popular  instinct,  which  such 
an  impulsive  nature  as  the  Kaiser's  could  not  grasp. 
German  colonial  rule  in  Africa  had  been  founded 
by  pioneers,  whose  work  had  attracted  attention  in 
the  Fatherland,  and  raised  justifiable  hopes  which 
had  now  to  be  abandoned,  without  the  nation 
getting  any  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  reason 
for  such  a  policy. 

In  Hohenlohe's  Diary  for  June  19,  1890,  there 
is  an  interesting  but  not  very  correct  piece  of 
information,  to  the  effect  that  the  Heligoland 
Agreement  was  an  act  of  necessity  on  Germany's 
part  because  the  latter,  through  her  colonial  policy, 
had  "  trodden  on  England's  corns  "  to  such  a 
degree  that  there  was  a  danger  of  an  alliance  being 
formed  between  England,  France,  and  Russia  if 
some  satisfactory  arrangement  were  not  reached 
at  once.  It  is  much  more  likely  that  the  agreement 
was  the  natural  outcome  of  a  policy  which  "  lived 
from  hand  to  mouth  "  in  the  belief  that  one  bird 
in  the  hand — even  the  most  miserable  fledgling 
sparrow — is  worth  ten  in  the  bush.  The  Kaiser 
had  visited  this  island,  as  he  tells  us  in  one  of  his 
speeches,  when  he  was  fourteen,  and  ever  since 
then  he  had  wished  that  one  day  it  might  come 
back  to  the  German  Empire.  Now  the  oppor- 
tunity had  come.  The  inhabitants  of  Heligoland 
were  bound  by  language,  customs,  and  interests 
to  their  kinsmen  on  the  mainland,  and,  "  thanks  to 
the   beneficent   wisdom  of   the   Government   under 


90  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

which  you  have  been  until  now,  no  changes  have 
been  forced  upon  you  during  the  time  you  have 
formed  part  of  the  mighty  British  Empire."  This 
quotation,  which  is  taken  from  the  Imperial 
proclamation  to  the  people  of  Heligoland  on 
August  lo,  1890,  is  a  fresh  evidence  of  that 
freedom  from  prejudice  which  is  such  a  charac- 
teristic feature  of  British  world  policy,  and  which 
at  that  moment  suited  the  Kaiser  exactly.  "  I 
incorporate  this  island  as  the  last  piece  of  soil  in 
the  German  Fatherland  without  strife  and  without 
bloodshed,"  he  said  to  the  marines  who  paraded 
on  the  occasion.  "  This  island  is  destined  to  be 
a  bulwark  against  the  sea,  a  protection  to  German 
fishermen,  a  base  for  my  warships,  a  defence  for 
the  German  Ocean  against  every  enemy  who  may 
force  his  way  in  and  attempt  to  show  himself 
there." 

In  these  words  lies  the  whole  of  the  Kaiser's 
Hehgoland  policy — the  desires  of  the  past  and  the 
programme  of  the  future.  In  this  matter  he 
showed  more  foresight  than  the  majority  of  his 
countrymen,  owing  to  those  naval  schemes  which 
he  had  not  yet  thought  fit  to  mention  in  his  after- 
dinner  speeches,  and  which  could  have  obtained 
no  hearing  in  GeiTQany  at  the  time — schemes  the 
aim  of  which  was  to  have  a  sea-going  fleet  equal 
in  every  respect  to  that  of  the  British. 

The  recovery  of  Heligoland  was  the  greatest 
event  of  the  year  1890,  and,  upon  the  whole,  the 
most  significant  occurrence  during  the  reign  of 
William  II  until  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War. 
On  the  other  hand,  as  a  political  move  it  was  an 
absolute    failure^    and    contributed    particularly    to 


AN   ENLIGHTENED   POLICY  91 

make  bad  blood  with  Russia.  From  the  Diary, 
the  Russian  visit  would  seem  to  have  been  very- 
successful.  At  Narva  the  Kaiser  visited  a  large 
factory  close  to  a  waterfall,  which  was  illuminated 
with  Bengal  fire  and  electric  light.  In  Memel  he 
was  greeted  by  jubilations  and  peals  of  bells. 
He  came  home  laden  with  gifts— a  magnificently 
bound  album  containing  photographs  of  Narva, 
a  Bible  dated  1 649,  a  troika  team  of  three  splendid 
horses,  and  a  whole  armful  of  knitted  gloves  made 
by  the  Lithuanian  women.  This  list  is  a  good 
illustration  of  his  favourite  expression,  "  Nothing 
human  is  alien  to  me."  On  the  other  hand,  the 
political  results  of  the  journey  were  very  poor. 
A  few  brief  toasts  were  exchanged  in  French,  and 
as  soon  as  the  Kaiser  had  left  the  Russian  news- 
papers hastened  to  assure  the  public  that  relations 
between  Germany  and  Russia  were  exactly  the 
same  as  before  the  visit,  and  that  there  was  not 
the  slightest  change  in  Russia's  attitude  towards 
France . 

In  the  following  year  the  French  Fleet  visited 
Kronstadt,  and  the  conclusion  of  the  Dual  Alliance 
between  the  Republic  and  the  Empire  of  the  Tsar 
showed  beyond  all  doubt  the  true  value  of  all  this 
enlightened  policy,  with  its  Bengal  fire  and  electric 
light.  The  results  of  this  policy  disappeared  at 
the  very  moment  when  the  Imperial  special  train 
crossed  the  German  frontier. 

The  people  of  Germany  went  through  the  same 
experience  after  their  Emperor's  first  official  visit 
to  England  in  the  summer  of  1891.  The  Kaiser 
hardly  ever  exerted  himself  more  to  make  a  good 
impression    than    he    did    on    this    occasion.      For 


92  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

nearly  a  week  he  was  engaged  from  early  morning 
onwards  with  a  perfectly  stupendous  programme. 
He  received  numerous  addresses  and  deputations — 
the  only  exception  being  the  deputation  from  the 
British  and  Foreign  Association  for  Arbitration 
between  Nations,  for  which  there  was  no  time 
left.  He  was  present  at  luncheons,  gala  perform- 
ances, and  banquets  ;  he  conferred  with  leading 
politicians,  held  countless  reviews,  changed  from 
one  uniform  into  another — up  to  the  number  of 
five  in  one  day.  To  put  it  shortly,  there  was  not 
a  point  of  etiquette  which  he  did  not  observe  with 
the  greatest  conscientiousness,  and,  moreover,  with 
a  certain  pride  in  showing  that  all  these  things 
were  mere  trifles  to  him. 

He  was  up  at  seven  in  the  morning,  and  while 
the  Court  was  resting  from  the  fatiguing  pro- 
gramme of  the  day  before,  he  went  for  a  refreshing 
ride  in  Rotten  Row,  and  returned  with  renewed 
strength    ready  to   start   work   again. 

His  greatest  day  was  the  one  when,  as  London's 
guest,  he  was  welcomed  at  the  Guildhall  by  the 
Lord  Mayor,  with  all  that  mediaeval  ceremony 
which  the  City,  in  a  spirit  of  admirable  self-respect 
and  piety,  has  continued  down  to  the  present  day. 

The  Lord  Mayor  presented  the  Kaiser  with  an 
official  address  of  welcome,  enclosed  in  a  beautiful 
casket  ornamented  with  jewels.  On  the  lid  there 
were  views  of  the  City,  with  an  allegorical  design 
in  the  centre,  which  latter,  unfortunately,  was 
worthy  neither  of  the  time  nor  the  occasion.  It 
represented  the  City  of  London  surrounded  by 
German  eagles — an  ominous  kind  of  prophecy 
which  the  Zeppelins  of  the  future  were  to  illustrate 


AN    ENLIGHTENED   POLICY  93 

in  a  strange  fashion.  The  Kaiser  was  over- 
whelmed. 

His  shrewd  old  grandmother,  who  knew  her 
impetuous  grandson,  had  foreseen  that  moment, 
and  as  she  was  afraid  that  the  Franco -Russian 
Alliance,  just  then  in  the  honeymoon  of  impetuous 
warmth,  would  be  too  much  for  his  feelings,  she 
had,  after  conferring  with  Lord  Salisbury,  desired 
to  see  beforehand  the  speech  which  the  Kaiser 
proposed  to  make  at  the  Guildhall.  After  a 
number  of  alterations  and  expurgations,  which  were 
official  secrets  at  the  time,  and  which  kept  the 
wires  between  Berlin  and  London  busily  employed, 
a  quite  unimpeachable  form  had  ultimately  been 
found . 

This  labour  was  not  in  vain.  Never  had  the 
Kaiser  spoken  in  a  more  dignified  manner  or 
with  so  little  declamation  as  on  this  occasion.  The 
speech  was  entirely  free  from  the  usual  military 
nonsense,  and  his  wishes  and  plans  for  peace  were 
untainted  by  any  thankering  after  political 
alliances.  "  My  aim  is,  above  all',  the  maintenance 
of  peace.  For  it  is  peace  alone  that  can  give  that 
confidence  which  is  necessary  for  the  healthy 
development  of  science,  art,  and  trade.  ...  I 
shall  always  be  found  ready  to  unite  with  you  and 
with  others  in  our  common  labours  for  peaceful 
advancement,  friendly  intercourse,  and  the  progress 
of    civilization." 

In  spite  of  all  this,  the  German  mind  proved 
but  a  barren  soil  in  which  to  cultivate  the  belief 
that  Imperial  journeys  were  a  certain  means  of 
securing  European  peace.  It  was  not  long  either 
before    the   sound    sense    of   the   nation    found    its 


94  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

natural  expression.  The  pompous  Imperial  hymn, 
"  Heil  dir  im  Sieger  Kranz,"  had  become  worn 
by  frequent  repetition.  The  text  needed  renewing, 
and  one  day  the  following  rhyme  was  heard  in 
Berlin:  — 

Heil  dir  im  Sonderzug 
Reisest  noch  nicht  genug  ; 
Reis  immer  mehr.' 

Some  good  moral  lies  at  the  root  of  most  popular 
rhymes,  and  in  comparing  the  present  with  the 
past  the  regret  of  the  people  rose  almost  bitterly 
to   the  significant  conclusion  of  the  verse :  — 

Weun  du  dann  bald  entgleist, 
Rasch  du  zum  Bismarck  eilst 
Hoist  ihn  uns  her.' 


'  In  the  Contemporary  Review,  vol.  62  (1892),  the  above  verse  is 
rendered  thus  in  English  : — 

All  hail  to  thee  !     In  special  train 
Still  travel  on  and  on  again  ; 
When  soon  you  do  run  off  the  rail, 
You'll  hurry  off  to  Bismarck  then 
And  we  shall  welcome  him  again. 


CHAPTER    VIII 

POLITICAL   CHESS 

The  people  of  Germany  had  reason  to  feel  a 
certain  bitterness.  They  had  looked  on,  kiihl  bis 
ans  Herz  hinein  " — to  quote  one  of  their  contem- 
porary newspapers — while  Bismarck  was  turned  out 
of  office,  in  the  ingenuous  belief  that  "the  course  " 
would  be  the  same  as  before,  if  not  entirely  so  in 
the  field  of  home  politics,  which  interested  them 
only  moderately — still  at  any  rate,  in  regard  to 
relations  abroad.  The  nation  did  not  know,  and 
could  not  know,  anything  of  the  Russo-German 
Reassurance  Treaty  of  1884,  which  the  Kaiser 
had  decided  to  drop.  But  they  saw  the  conse- 
quences of  this  policy  in  the  demonstrative  con- 
clusion of  an  alliance  between  France  and  Russia. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Heligoland  Agreement  had 
not  led  to  any  noticeable  improvement  in  their 
relations  with  England,  whilst  it  was  a  painful 
fact  that  their  hopes  and  expectations  with  regard 
to  their  African  colonies  were  now  considerably 
diminished.  But,  above  all,  the  nation  saw — and 
this  contributed  more  than  anything  else  to  arouse 
discontent — that  Bismarck  had  been  treated  in  a 
manner,  and  this  by  those  in  the  highest  quarters, 

'  Cool  to  the  very  core  of  the  heart. 
95 


96  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

which  was  utterly  unworthy  of  the  Government 
of  a  great  nation,  and  which  cast  a  slur  upon  it. 
It  has  long  been  admitted  that  Bismarck's  attitude 
towards  the  Imperial  Government,  in  the  years 
immediately  following  his  retirement,  was  far  from 
unimpeachable  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  only 
fair  to  state  that  from  the  very  beginning  he  had 
been  subjected  to  a  system  of  petty  annoyance 
which  would  have  been  unthinkable  in  any  other 
civilized  country.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
this  system  received  its  severest  condemnation  from 
William  II  himself,  when  he  frankly  admitted 
several  years  later  that  he — the  Emperor — was 
under  a  complete  delusion  at  that  time.  But  as 
long  as  it  was  possible  to  practise  them,  these 
annoyances  were  practised  in  his  name  and  formed 
a  typical  illustration  of  this  new  period  of  absoliite 
power  when  the  many  ruled— exactly  as  they  did 
in  the  days  of  the  ancient  autocracies. 

We  have  mentioned  Hohenlohe's  impression  of 
the  feeling  in  leading  circles  during  the  months 
following  Bismarck's  fall'.  It  was  the  basest  in- 
formers and  flatterers  who  now  abused  the  Imperial 
confidence  and  sowed  suspicions  in  that  impetuous 
nature,  which  was  as  jealous  of  its  honour  as 
Othello.  They  used  their  time  with  a  perseverance 
which  was  worthy  of  a  nobler  end,  and  barely 
eight  weeks  after  Bismarck's  dismissal  a  circular, 
bearing  Caprivi's  signature,  but  naturally  with  the 
Kaiser's  knowledge  and  approval,  v/as  dispatched 
to  the  German  ambassadors  abroad.  In  this  docu- 
ment Bismarck  was  directly  accused  of  carrying  on 
a  policy  which  he  knew  to  be  jeopardizing,  at  least 
in  part,  the  true  interests  of  his  country. 


POLITICAL  CHESS  97 

The  Imperial  Government,  which  "  discriminated 
between  Bismarck  as  he  was  and  as  he  is,"  tried 
to  avoid  everything  which  could  contribute  to 
"  darken  in  the  German  people's  mind  the  picture 
of  their  greatest  statesman,"  but  at  the  same  time 
they  expressed  the  hope— which  the  ambassadors 
would  naturally  endeavour  to  fulfil — "  that  the 
Governments  to  which  you  are  accredited  will  not 
attach  any  importance  to  observations  in  the  Press 
with  regard  to  Prince  Bismarck's  views  on  any 
subject." 

When  speaking  to  M.  Herbette,  the  French 
Ambassador  in  Berlin,  the  Kaiser,  some  time  later, 
expressed  himself  with  a  frankness  which  naturally 
made  a  great  sensation :  — 

"  The  Duke  of  Lauenburg  "—the  Kaiser  care- 
fully avoided  the  historic  name — "  appears  to  be 
still  very  angry  because  I  precipitated  and  accepted 
his  resignation  as  Chancellor.  I  confess  that  it 
was  extremely  painful  to  me.  .  .  .  But  what  else 
could  I  do?  Since  then  the  Duke  has  given  way 
to  feelings  which  are  quite  unworthy  of  him.  He 
has  stepped  down  from  that  pedestal  on  which  my 
own  gratitude  and  that  of  the  nation  had  placed 
him,  and  thrown  himself  over  head  and  ears  into 
an  aimless  and  worthless  agitation  against  me. 
.  .  .  But  do  not  suppose  that  I,  as  people  assert, 
propose  to  secure  by  force,  in  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  Empire,  what  the  Duke  will  not  give  me 
willingly.  No  !  The  German  Emperor  will  never 
show  the  world  such  a  sad  spectacle  as  that  of 
bringing  an  action  against  that  man  in  the  days 
of  his  old  age." 

Thus     were    the    fatal     words     uttered     which 

8 


98  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

showed  how  perseveringly  and  unscrupulously  the 
entourage  of  the  Kaiser  were  carrying  on  their 
work.  "  Who  can  have  encouraged,  or  indeed 
suggested,  such  ideas  to  the  Kaiser?  "  asks  one 
of  his  most  thorough  and  most  honest  biographers 
with  a  certain  dismay.  The  answer  is  ready  to 
hand.      No   one    but    the    "  jolly    sandboys." 

But  there  was  still  an  act  to  come  in  this 
lamentable  drama.  It  was  performed  in  June 
1892,  on  the  occasion  of  Herbert  Bismarck's  mar- 
riage with  Countess  Margarethe  Hoyos,  a  member 
of  the  famous  Hungarian  family  of  that  name. 
Bismarck  had  received  information  through  his  son 
that  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  would  give  him 
an  audience  if  he  went  to  Vienna  on  the  occasion 
of  the  wedding,  and  as  he  had  decided  to  take  part 
in  this  quite  private  family  festival  a  notice  was 
sent  to  the  Press.  And  then  the  German  Govern- 
ment became  extremely  active. 

After  having  submitted  the  matter  to  His 
Majesty,  Caprivi  wrote  a  letter  to  the  German 
Ambassador  in  Vienna  which  repudiated  Bismarck 
in  the  most  cutting  words,  and  expressly  stated 
that  even  if  a  reconciliation  should  take  place 
between  the  Emperor  William  and  Bismarck— in 
which  the  late  Chancellor  must  naturally  take  the 
first  step — it  would  never  go  so  far  as  to  justify 
public  opinion  in  the  belief  that  Prince  Bismarck 
had  earned  the  right  to  exert  any  influence  what- 
ever in  the  conduct  of  State  affairs.  Caprivi  there- 
fore requested  the  Ambassador,  "  in  case  Prince 
Bismarck  or  his  family  approach  Your  Excellency's 
house,  to  confine  yourself  strictly  to  the  conven- 
tional   forms    of    politeness,     but    to     avoid    any 


POLITICAL  CHESS  99 

invitation  to  the  wedding.  This  instruction  applies 
also  to  the  staff  of  the  Embassy.  .  .  .  His  Majesty 
does  not  intend  to  take  any  notice  of  the  wedding." 

This  peculiar  document,  which  was  published 
in  the  Reichsanzeiger  of  July  17,  1892 — about 
a  month  after  the  wedding,  but  of  which  Bismarck 
had  already  heard  the  nature  during  his  stay  in 
Vienna — attracted,  as  was  indeed  natural,  painful 
attention.  At  the  time  of  the  Chancellor's  fall, 
two  years  before,  a  French  paper  had  informed 
Bismarck's  countrymen  that  "  the  Germans  are 
not  a  great  nation."  Many  of  them,  in  the  light 
of  subsequent  events,  admitted  with  grief  and 
bitterness  the  justice  of  that  verdict.  But  never 
was  it  so  glaringly  clear  as  now.  It  was  petty 
tyranny  in  its  worst  form  which  now  ruled  public 
life  from  top  to  bottom,  that  spite  and  envy  which 
Tacitus  had  noticed  as  one  of  the  besetting  sins 
of  the  old  Teutons.  But  though  rulers  might  wear 
themselves  out  propter  invidiam— hecause  of  hate — 
there  was  in  the  character  of  the  nation  a  tendency 
to  hero-worship,  and  an  element  of  affectionate 
gratitude  which  might  be  kept  down  for  a  time, 
but  which  could  not  in  the  long  run  be  disregarded 
with  impunity. 

Now  the  measair-e  was  full. 

At  'the  moment  when  Bismarck,  with  the  Kaiser's 
sanction,  was  officially  entered  on  the  list  of  those 
persons  who  were  not  to  be  received  at  an  Embassy, 
and  with  whom  people  were  warned  to  have  nothing 
to  da,  While  at  the  same  time  the  semi-official 
press  began  to  attack  him  in  articles  which  inti- 
mated that  he  had  undermined  his  own  work,  and 
that  the  harm  which  he   had  deliberately  wished. 


100  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

to  bring  on  the  Fatherland  was  incalculable,  at 
that  moment  the  German  people  rebelled.  His 
journey  back  from  Vienna  resolved  itself  into  a 
triumphal  procession.  In  Dresden,  Munich,  and 
Kissingen  the  people  surrounded  him  in  enthusiastic 
crowids,  and  after  his  arrival  in  Friedrichsruhe,  a 
perfect  Stream  of  processions  marched  out  to  do 
him  honour. 

This  was  such  a  direct  expression  of  popular 
feeling  that  none  of  the  representatives  of  "  the 
new  course  "  could  remain  in  doubt  as  to  how 
the  land  lay.  But  it  need  hairdly  be  said  that  it 
never  occurred  to-  any  of  them  to  p^iy  the  slightest 
attention  to  it.  The  policy  of  journeys  continued 
on  its  undisturbed  way,  with  its  speeches  and 
processions,  its  flag-decked  streets,  and  splendid 
illuminations.  Either  the  Kaiser  paid  visits  him- 
self or  he  received  visits  in  return,  so  that  the 
nation,  directly  or  indirectly,  "  almost  unceasingly 
saw  the  'eyes  of  the  world  directed  towards  the 
radiant  fagade  of  the  State,"  to  quote  Harden.  At 
the  same  time  a  lamentable  confusion  reigned  in 
official  life. 

The  Caprivian  administration  was  in  principle 
a  kind  of  Liberalism,  and  with  its  Free  Trade 
treaties,  'and  its  concessions  to  the  Socialists  and 
the  'Poles,  there  was  really  more  Liberalism  in 
it  than  in  the  Bismarckian  policy.  But  its  effects 
were  naturally  quite  illusory,  with  a  self-willed 
Emperor  at  the  head  of  affairs,  who  was  con- 
stantly in  a  lilurry,  and  who  therefore  was  exceed- 
ingly  apt    to    interfere   at   unseasonable   moments. 

The  policy  of  the  Government  was  marked  by 
contradictions   and   half-measures,    and   the   views 


i 


POLITICAL   CHESS  loi 

which  were  maintained  by  the  Chancellor  and  by 
individual  Ministers  varied  constantly,  in  sympathy 
with  changes  of  opinion  in  the  highest  quarter, 
before  the  business  in  hand  co.uld  be  finally  de- 
cided. The  Elementary  Schoo>l  Act  was  brought 
in  and  then  recalled.  The  Army  Act  was  passed 
at  last  with  the  narrowest  possible  majority,  after 
it  had  first  been  rejected,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that,  in  presence  of  his  generals  at  the  New  Year's 
Lev^e  on  January  i,  1893,  the  Kaiser  had  threat- 
ened to  "  smash  the  opposition  to,  pieces."  To 
put  it  shortly,  official  life  in  the  Government  and 
the  National  Assembly  was  dominated  by  a  con- 
fusion Which  aroused  misgivings,  not  only  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  Opposition,  and  the  extreme 
factions  in  the  Reichstag,  but  also  in  quarters 
the  loyalty  of  which  was  beyond  all  doubt.  In- 
voluntarily people  asked  themselves  :  "  What  does 
all   this   mean,   and   where   are   we    drifting  to?  " 

But  the  system'  could  not  be  changed — or  more 
truly,  it  had  to  be  maintained,  contrary  to  all 
sound  and  modern  views,  because  a  change  would 
mean  the  abandonment  of  everything  which  the 
Kaiser,  from  his  first  accession  to  the  throne,  had 
constantly  proclaimed  as  the  highest  political 
wisdom,  and  had  made  his  goal  and  ideal  as  a 
ruler. 

Then  something  happened  which  at  one  stroke 
created  a  new  situation — at  any  rate,  for  a  time. 

In  the  summer  of  1893  Bismarck  became 
seriously  ill  at  Kissingen.  The  Kaiser  knew 
nothing  of  the  illness  until  the  danger  was  really 
over — a  new  proof  of  the  way  in  which  those 
who   surrounded   hirn   tried   to    put   Bismarck   out 


I02  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

of  his  memory  ;  but  instantly  he  realized  what 
he  ought  to  do.  There  was  not  the  faintest  idea 
in  the  Kaiser's  mind  of  resorting  again  to  Bis- 
marck's advice,  nor  had  he  any  political  object 
in  view,  whereby  to  strengthen  his  own  distinctly 
weakened  popularity  by  reconciling  himself  to  his 
old  Chancellor.  The  whole  thing  was  a  spon- 
taneous expression  of  kindly  feeling,  which  does 
more  credit  to  his  heart  than  to  his  judgment. 
Therefore  it  was  that  his  congratulatory  telegram 
of  September  19,  1893,  to  Bismarck,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  his  recovery,  aroused  the  greatest  enthusiasm 
throughout  the  whole  of  Germany,  and  when 
Bismarck,  in  January  1894,  visited  Berlin,  where 
he  had  not  set  foot  for  four  years,  not  only  he 
himself,  but  the  Kaiser  also,  were  the  objects  of 
unparalleled  ovations.  Through  Bismarck  he  could 
reach  the  heart  of  the  nation.  It  was  only  later 
on  that  the  world  came  to  know,  by  Hohenlohe's 
memoirs,  that  Bismarck's  visit  to  Berlin  was  a 
work  of  necessity,  since  the  Kaiser  was  resolved 
that  he  would  not  be  the  one  to  go  to  Fried- 
richsruhe.  "  Now  they  may  build  triumphal  arches 
for  him  in  Vienna  and  in  Munich  if  they  like," 
said  he.  "I  am  a  head  in  frO;nt  of  him,  never- 
theless." 

He  gained  no  advantage,  therefore,  from'  his 
changed  attitude  towards  Bismarck.  Here — as  in 
his  relations  with  Caprivi  and  his  colleagues — he 
was  unable,  from  his  lack  of  self-criticism,  and 
from  his  unbounded  love  of  power,  to  take  any 
sensible  advice.  He  had  to  do  everything  himself, 
and  himself  take  the  credit  for  everything  that 
was  done. 


POLITICAL   CHESS  103 

"  I  want  the  power  ;  let  those  who  wish  keep 
the  peacock  feathers,"  said  Cecil  Rhodes  once, 
with  that  strong,  almost  brutal  directness  which 
was  characteristic  of  his  creative  genius.  For  the 
romantic  William  II  power  and  peacock  feathers 
have  always   been   intimately   connected. 

Therefore  it  was  not  long  before  a  coolness 
again  existed  between  the  Kaiser  and  Bismarck, 
and  in  spite  of  some  Imperial  advances  during  the 
last  four  years  of  the  Chancellor's  life,  any  real 
cordiality   was    henceforth   out    of    the    question. 

One  fine  day  the  same  thing  exactly  happened 
to  Caprivi.  He  had — as  we  have  already  shovvm— 
taken  upon  himself  the  heavy  task  of  Chancellor 
with  the  most  self-sacrificing  loyalty.  He  had 
subordinated  his  convictions  and  his  power  to  the 
Imperial  will,  and  placed  his  signature  to  official 
letters  which  would  always  stand  as  an  accusation 
against  him.  But  when,  one  day  in  October  1894, 
without  further  ceremony,  he  received  his  dismissal 
— not  even  accompanied  by  the  words  "  released 
from  office  with  assurances  of  royal  favour  " — he 
had  not  been  compromised  by  sustaining  any  defeat 
in  the  Reichstag,  nor  had  he  undertaken  anything 
in  his  official  capacity  which  could  have  awakened 
the  Kaiser's  displeasure.  On  the  contrary,  in  spite 
of  his  ignorance  of  the  rocks  and  shoals  of  state- 
craft, he  had  manoeuvred  surprisingly  well,  and 
quite  recently,  in  order  not  to  arouse  the  Kaiser's 
disapprobation,  he  had  himself  assumed  parlia- 
mentary responsibility  for  the  so-called  "  Revolt 
Act,"  in  the  face  of  the  Social  Democrats,  though 
in  earlier  days  he  had  characterized  the  idea  which 
underlay  it  as  nearing"  the  limit  of  political  folly. 


104  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

But  he  had  forgotten  to  create  a  party  for  himself 
in  the  Reichstag  or,  which  was  of  still  greater 
importance,  a  party  at  the  Court,  which  could 
quell  the  intrigues  which  were  brewing.  There- 
fore he  was  beaten  by  the  more  adroit  Count 
Eulenburg,  who,  in  spite  of  his  poor  abilities  and 
want  of  character,  made  his  way  to  the  position 
of  Prussian  Minister  of  State,  and  subsequently 
wormed  himself   into   diplomacy. 

Eulenburg  was,  as  Bismarck  styled  him,  *'  a 
modern  Cagliostro,"  forward  and  insinuating, 
"  With  a  couple  of  eyes  which  would  spoil  the 
best  breakfast  for  me."  He  himself  has  admitted 
that  he  felt  ill  at  ease  whenever  he  came  across 
men  of  independent  character,  and  that  he  pre- 
ferred to  meet  them  at  a  distance,  in  history,  so 
as  to  avoid  coming  into  personal  contact  with 
them.  As  a  minor  poet  he  possessed  undoubted 
gifts,  and  with  his  extensive  acquaintance  with 
the  terms  of  Greek  and  Scandinavian  mythology, 
and  of  the  German  poetry  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
he  could  put  into  rhyme  all  the  sentiments  which 
the  Kaiser  was  only  able  to  express  in  prose. 
As  a  result  of  their  artistic  collaboration  we  have 
the  "  Poem  to  ^gir,"  written  by  Eulenburg,  and 
set  to  music  by  the  Kaiser — an  event  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  Diary,  the  world  became  aware  of 
on  December   ii,   1894. 

As  was  remarked  among  other  things  by  Herr 
Dernburg,  the  well-known  Colonial  Minister,  it  will 
vilways  be  somewhat  of  a  psychological  mystery 
how  such  a  man  as  Eulenburg  could  retain  the 
Imperial  favour  for  so  long  ;  and  when  at  last, 
after  many   years,   William   II    turned   him   away, 


POLITICAL  CHESS  105 

the  effect  on  the  country  was  immediate  and 
salutary.  But  at  this  time  he  was  a  great  man, 
whose  plans  might  not  be  thwarted,  and  simply 
to  stand  in  his  path — even  if  Eulenburg  carried 
the  day — was  enough  to  bring  dismissal  on  the 
bold  spirit   who   ventured   on   such   a   course. 

This  Caprivi  was  made  to  feel  as  no  other  had 
done  ;  and  with  a  loyalty  which  does  him  the 
greatest  honour,  he  withdrew  into  private  life  with- 
out uttering  a  word  in  his  own  defence,  the 
richer  by  numerous  bitter  experiences  and  a 
quantity  of  orders — among  them  that  of  the  Black 
Eagle  set  in  brilliants.  He  observed  a  strictly 
reserved  attitude  until  his  death,  in  1899,  and 
firmly  refused  to  have  any  memoirs  whatever 
published,  notwithstanding  pressing  requests  from 
highly  influential   quarters. 

The  dismissal  of  Caprivi  was  such  a  sensational 
event  that  the  echo  of  it  rang  through  Europe,  and 
with  an  audacity  which  could  hardly  be  more 
defiant,  the  Kreazzeitung  wrote  the  following  com- 
ment on  it  :  "  The  wind  which  blows  the  mighty 
from  their  seats  now  changes  much  too  rapidly. 
It  is  possible  to  go  peacefully  to  bed  with  a  vote 
of  confidence  to-day,  and  early  to-morrow  morn- 
ing be  drummed  up  by  Herr  von  Lucanus  '  with 
a  request  to  prepare  one's  resignation." 

There  was  no  exaggeration  in  this.  The  ship 
of  State  had  long  ago  been  left  to  the  mercy  of 
chance,  and  it  went  full  stearri  ahead — on  a  zig- 
zag course. 

'  Privy  Councillor  at  that  time  and  the  Kaiser's  confidential 
adviser. 


CHAPTER    IX 

THE   JUBILEE  YEAR 

In  1895  the  German  Empire  celebrated  its  great 
jubilee  year. 

A  quarter  of  a  century  had  passed  since  that 
important  period  in  the  history  of  Europe  which 
is  marked  by  the  fall  of  the  French  Empire  and 
the  foundation  of  the  unity  of  Germany.  It  was 
an  event  which  was  calculated  to  appeal  in  a 
special  degree  to  national  sympathies,  and  to 
awaken  memories  which  were  dear  to  every 
German.  The  crown  of  victory  had  indeed  suffered 
at  the  hand  of  time,  and  many  leaives  which  had 
shone  golden  once  were  now  pale  under  the  merci- 
less searchlight  of  history.  But  there  were  still 
thousands  living  of  those  who  had  taken  their 
part  in  1870,  who  remembered  their  losses  and 
wounds,  their  happiness  and  the  proudest  moment 
in  their  lives,  which  had  come  to  them  in  the  fight 
for  the  restoration  of  the  Fatherland  ;  and  there 
was  reason  to  expect  an  outburst  of  national  feeling 
which  would   re-echo   through   the   world. 

Nothing  of  the  kind  took  place.  The  jubilee 
year,  considered  as  a  festival,  was  almost  a  fiasco. 
The   working   classes   showed   an   indifference  and 

a    suppressed    irritation    which    was    the    natural 

196 


THE   JUBILEE   YEAR  107 

consequence  of  the  many  mo rt Locations  to  which 
they  had  been  subjected — not  to  mention  that  the 
"  blood  and  iron  "  poHcy,  which  was  now  cele- 
brating its  greatest  anniversary,  was  so  essentially 
different  from  that  of  the  Social  Democrats,  that 
nothing  could  bridge  the  chasm.  The  propertied 
classes  were  divided  by  conflicting  interests.  The 
air  was  heavy  with  painful  scandals,  and  in  politics 
incapacity  sat  enthroned  in  the  person  of  the 
seventy-five-year-old  Chancellor,  Prince  Chlodwig 
zu  Hohenlohe  Schillingsfiirst,  whom  the  Kaiser, 
with  a  sense  of  humour  which  might  have  been 
excusable  if  it  had  not  referred  to  the  highest 
and  most  responsible  Minister  in  the  State,  liad 
christened  by  the  name  of  "  Uncle  Chlodwig." 
But  neither  was  there  any  widespread  want  of 
loyalty,  in  the  first  place,  because  the  nation  was 
not  enough  developed  in  political  respects,  and 
secondly,  because  it  clung  to  the  belief  that  the 
Kaiser's  intentions  were  for  the  best.  There  was 
merely  a  steadily  growing  doubt  as  to  his  power 
to  realize  these  intentions  in  practice. 

All  this  is  sufficient  to  explain  the  lack  of  force  in 
the  Kaiser's  speeches.  His  words  march  up  in  rigid 
file  :  "  God  and  our  German  sword,"  "  allegiance 
to  the  colours,"  "  fidelity  towards  the  royal  house," 
"  blind  and  uncondition,al  obedience,"  "  the  laurels 
of  victory,"  "  the  bloody  field  of  honour  " — a  long 
procession  of  phrases  extending  through  months  of 
festivities.  There  was  not  a  single  new  thought 
in  them,  not  a  seed  with  power  to  grow  and 
teach  something  to  the  coming  generation.  To 
the  nation  the  events  of  1870  were  the  result  of 
work  and  devotion  to  duty  through  long  years  in 


io8  WILLIAM    THE    SECOND 

combination  with  the  best  of  those  qualities  which 
had  distinguished  the  moral  and  intellectual  life 
of  their  country,  and  which  were  still  of  service 
in  the  peaceful  competition  of  everyday  life.  To 
the  Kaiser  the  jubilee  year  was  "  a  great  festival 
of  thanks  and  a  commemoration  of  the  great 
Emperor  of  blessed  memory  " — as  he  himself  ex- 
pressed it. 

It  was  therefore  unavoidable  that  sharp  discords 
should  break  in  upon  the  festive  joys. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  annivers.ary  of  Sedan  the 
Kaiser  stigmatized  the  Social  Democrats  as  "a 
gang  of  men  not  worthy  to  bear  the  name  of 
Germans,"  and  called  to  the  representatives  of  his 
Army,  that  if  the  nation  would  not  disassociate 
themselves  from  these  men,  "  you  must  arm  your- 
selves against  the  traitorous  crew,  and  lead  a 
c^nipaign  which   shall  rid  us   of  such   creatures." 

On  another  festive  occasion  he  said  :  "  The 
more  people  fall  back  upon  catchwords  and  party 
considerations,  the  more  firmly  and  surely  do  I 
reckon  on  the  fact  that  my  Army — be  it  at  home 
or  abroad — will  stand  ready  to  obey  my  wishes 
and  my  signal."  And  with  an  intention  not  to  be 
misunderstood,  he  reminded  them  of  his  grand- 
father's words  of  greeting,  in  1848,  to  the  officers 
who  welcomed  him  back  after  his  banishment  : 
"  These   are   the   gentlemen   whom   I    can   trust." 

The  whole  failure  of  the  jubilee  year  lies  dis- 
mally exposed  in  these  expressive  words.  Here 
stood  the  Emperor  at  the  moment  when  he  wished 
to  inaugurate  the  Weltpoliiik,  which  was  the  natural 
continuation  of  the  struggle  for  unity  inaugurated 
twenty-five  years  before.     As  a  means  of  embody- 


THE   JUBILEE  YEAR  109 

ing  this  policy  he  had  a  Navy  which — to  use  his 
own  words — "  certainly  is  small  to  look  at,"  but 
which,  nevertheless,  was  "  stronger  than  other 
navies  on  account  of  its  discipline  and  the  un- 
conditional obedience  towards  superior  oiificers 
which  it  shows." 

•William  II,  since  he  was  a  boy,  had  taken  an 
exceptional  interest  in  everything  concerning  the 
Navy.  His  first  ideal,  as  a  creator  of  a  German 
fleet,  was  the  same  man  who  was  his  ideal  in 
so  many  other  things — the  Great  Elector.  Here 
was  a  tradition  to  build  upon,  and  one  which 
appealed  to  energies  latent  in  the  nation.  These 
only  needed  to  be  aroused  in  the  right  way.  The 
revolutionary  poet  Freiligrath  had  appealed  to  them 
before  the  middle  of  the  century,  and  with  the 
well-known  phrase  about  "  a  future  on  the  sea," 
which  has  been  associated  with  the  Kaiser  since 
1898,  Freiligrath  had  already  in  1848  proclaimed, 
that 

...  in  den  Furchen  die  Colomb  gezogen, 
geht  Deutsclilands  Zukunft  auf.' 

But  the  Kaiser  does  not  seem  to  have  remem- 
bered these  lines  any  more  than  he  realized  the 
peaceful  trend  of  thought  which  underlies  them. 
The  German  people,  whose  historic  path  had  led 
them  inland,  as  it  were,  for  centuries,  could  by  a 
steady  hand  be  guided  towards  the  ocean.  In 
truth  the  first  step  had  already  been  taken,  through 
the   development   of   a   merchant   fleet,   which    in- 

'  In  the  furrows  wliich  Columbus  traced 
Lies  the  future  of  Germany. 


no  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

creased  in  size  and  importance  from  year  to  year. 
By  the  work  begun  during  the  reign  of  William  I 
in  the  direction  of  establishing  a  national  fleet, 
supported  by  a  national  shipbuilding  industry,  the 
necessary  conditions  had  been  established  for  a 
system  of  co-operation  between  the  Navy  and  the 
merchant  service,  especially  from  the  moment  (when 
Germany  began  to  make  an  appearance  as  a 
colonial  Power.  It  was  unavoidable  that  a  German 
colonial  and  naval  policy  which  systematically 
aimed  at  advancing  German  interests  beyond  the 
seas  should  cross  sooner  or  later  the  interests  of 
the  great  colonizing  Powers,  and  most  of  all  those 
of  England.  The  dissatisfaction  which  the  public 
evinced  with  regard  to  the  Heligoland  agreement 
showed  that  the  nation  was  willing  to  take  the 
risks  of  this  new  policy,  based  on  a  fair  recognition 
of  the  principle  of  open  competition.  Thus  far 
the  Kaiser  could  always  count  on  having  the  nation 
with  him.  But  certain  conditions  were  absolutely 
necessary.  The  colonial  and  naval  policy  must 
be  prepared  with  care,  and  developed  in  a  far- 
seeing  and  unprejudiced  manner — without  fine 
phrases  and  without  pedantry — and  especially  with- 
out too  many  complimentary  allusions  to  the 
excellent  qualities  of  the  chief  competitor. 

Need  it  be  said  that  not  a  single  one  of  these 
essential   conditions   was   fulfilled? 

The  Kaiser  was  not  only  devoid  of  any  original 
ideas  on  naval  affairs.  He  took,  quite  uncon- 
sciously, a  perfectly  irresistible  delight  in  hammer- 
ing this  fact  into  the  public  mind  whenever  there 
was  an  opportunity.  During  the  first  seven  years 
of  his  reign  he  paid  a  visit  to  England  every  single 


THE   JUBILEE  YEAR  in 

year,  and  received  frequent  visits  in  return.  Every 
time  he  pronounced  eulogies  on  England  and  the 
English  Navy. 

"  Ever  since  our  fleet  has  existed  we  have  always 
exerted  ourselves  to  form  our  ideas  upon  yours 
and  to  learn  from  you  in  every  way.  Our  officers 
and  men  know  the  history  of  the  British  Fleet  as 
well  as  you  know  it  yourselves.  The  British  Navy 
is  for  the  German  Navy  not  only  a  model  of 
technical  and  scientific  perfection,  but  its  heroes 
too — Nelson,  for  instance,  and  others — have  always 
been,  and  always  will  be,  the  guiding  stars  of 
German  naval  officers  and  men.  Nelson's  famous 
signal  is  no  longer  necessary.  You  Englishmen 
all  do  your  duty,  and  we,  as  a  young  seafaring 
nation,  come  to  England  to  learn  something  from 
the  British  Navy.  Should  it  ever  happen  that 
the  British  and  German  Navies  have  to  fight  side 
by  side  against  a  common  foe,  then  the  famous 
signal,  '  England  expects  that  every  man  will  do 
his  duty,'  which  England's  greatest  naval  hero 
sent  out  before  the  battle  of  Trafalgar,  will  find 
an  echo  in  the  patriotic  heart  of  the  German 
Navy." 

But  all  this  did  not  make  the  smallest  differ- 
ence— any  more  than  the  "  Naval  Cabinet  "  which 
he  had  established  as  soon  as  he  succeeded  to  the 
throne,  and  the  object  of  which  was  to  secure 
for  him  the  greatest  possible  direct  influence  in 
all  things  concerning  the  Navy.  Several  years 
later  he  founded  the  Imperial  Shipbuilding  League, 
where  the  details  of  all  problems  could  be  tested 
before  being  put  in  practice.  The  whole  time  he 
took  an  active  share  himself  in  the  various  questions 


112  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

which  came  under  discussion.  He  followed  the 
proceedings  of  the  League,  discussed  questions 
of  armour-plates  and  projectiles,  the  disposition 
of  the  guns  on  board  battleships,  questions  of 
stability,  etc.,  all  with  that  ease  which  his  natural 
versatility  gave  him,  and  with  the  authority  attach- 
ing to  his  position.  The  really  competent  authori- 
ties whose  lifework  it  had  been  to  study  these 
questions  yielded  to  him  when  opinions  differed, 
for  it  was  naturally  unwise  to  show  him  that  he 
was  mistaken,  especially  in  the  presence  of  a  large 
assembly.  The  result  was,  as  has  been  pointed 
out  eyen  by  German  authors,  that  at  a  time  when 
the  art  of  shipbuilding  was  developing  at  a 
tremendous  rate  all  over  the  world,  and  dis- 
tinguished chief  engineei-s  with  original  ideas  were 
actively  working  in  the  great  navies,  not  a  single 
talented  shipbuilding  engineer  arose  in  Germany. 
All  initiative  died  in  the  shadow  of  that  rank 
omniscience.  In  the  same  fashion  he  wished  to 
master  everything  technical  and  to  exert  his  in- 
fluential authority  on  materials  and  equipments, 
in  spite  of  the  Naval  Department  and  the  financial 
authority  of  the  Reichstag.  He  also  wished  to 
have  the  human  material  under  his  control.  At 
the  beginning  of  his  reign — he  said  in  one  of  his 
speeches — he  had  found  "  a  Navy  whose  excel- 
lent material  in  the  way  of  officers  and  men  did 
not  fully  realize  that  it  was  an  absolutely  necessary 
adjunct  to  the  person  of  the  Supreme  War-Lord." 
But  already  during  the  jubilee  year  this  state  of 
things  altered  in  a  degree  which  caused  him  the 
highest  satisfaction. 

In  speaking  to  his  naval  recruits  he  employed 


THE   JUBILEE  YEAR  113 

a  style  of  language  which  sounds  more  like  the 
midnight  monologue  in  "  Faust  "  than  a  speech  to 
young  men.  "  The  gracious  God  and  I  have  heard 
your  vow.  .  .  .  The  vow  is  sacred,  and  sacred 
is  the  place  where  ye  have  sworn  it.  This  is 
shown  by  the  altar  and  the  crucifix.  It  signifies 
that  we  Germans  are  Christians,  and  that  we  always 
begin  by  giving  honour  to  God  in  all  our  under- 
takings. .  .  .  Just  as  I,  your  Emperor  and  ruler, 
devote  all  my  actions  and  aspirations  to  the  Father- 
land, so  are  ye  also  obliged  to  devote  the  whole 
of  your  lives  to  me.  For  ye  have  taken  your 
oath  as  Christians.  Ye  are  now  at  a  time  when 
there  is  a  great  demand  for  earnestness  of  service. 
.  .  .  Remember  then  again  that  ye  are  Christians. 
Think  of  your  parents — of  your  mothers,  who 
taught   you  your   first   prayers." 

But  the  fathers  and  mothers  who  sat  at  home 
from  one  year's  end  to  the  other  were  not  inclined 
to  take  these  exhortations  too  seriously  when  they 
read  them  in  the  paper.  Affectation  reigned 
supreme  in  Imperial  naval  affairs,  and  against 
this  background  of  the  vow,  the  altar,  the  crucifix, 
and  the  earnestness  of  service,  some  strange 
features  developed. 

But  this  was  not  all.  The  nation  did  not  even 
know  what  new  ships  were  in  building.  It  heard 
the  Kaiser  complaining  year  in  and  year  out  that 
construction  went  on  too  slowly;  but  at  the 
same  time  it  heard — for  instance,  in  1891 — about 
"  the  stately  line  of  ships  which  compose  our 
Navy,"  and  in  1894  that  the  Navy  had  now 
"  reached  a  point  of  perfection  to  which  the  v/hole 
world    yields    its    unstinted    admiration,"    in    1895 

9 


114  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

that  the  Navy  "  certainly  is  small,  but  superior  to 
all  others  in  its  discipline."  Consequently  things 
could  not  be  so  bad.  The  Emperor  was  probably 
exaggerating  the  matter,  as  he  was  apt  to  do, 
and  alarming  people  unintentionally.  But  the 
nation  was  not  to  be  scared,  Bange  machen  gilt 
nicht,^  says  the  German  proverb.  In  the  midst 
of  all  this  the  Kaiser  received  indirect  support  from 
the  quarter  whence  he  had  least  expected  it.  The 
Chino-Japanese  War  ended  with  the  Peace  of 
Shimoniseki  on  April  17,  1895  ;  but  only  a  week 
later  Germany,  Russia,  and  France,  supported  by 
Spain,  laid  before  Japan  a  whole  series  o£  requests 
which  she,  much  against  her  will,  was  obliged  to 
accede  to.  This  action  on  the  part  of  these  three 
Great  Powers,  which  in  Germany's  case  gave  her 
citizens  the  right  to  settle  in  the  Chinese  districts 
of  Hankow  and  Tientsin,  awoke  strong  disapproval 
in  England,  and  when  the  Kaiser,  in  August  of 
the  same  year,  showed  himself  at  Cowes  Regatta 
he  felt  as  though  the  popular  indignation  struck 
against  him  like  a  taut  sail. 

But  now,  as  always,  he  had  the  usual  phrases 
at  his  command  :  the  German  Navy's  eagerness 
to  learn  from  its  English  model,  his  personal  pride 
at  being  a  British  Admiral,  the  memorable  day 
when  he  first  hoisted  his  flag  on  the  old  Dread- 
nought, etc.     But  it  was  no  good. 

The  English  Press,  with  the  ultra-Conservative 
Standard  at  its  head,  gave  him  to  understand  that 
he  would  do  well  to  take  a  lesson  in  political 
wisdom  from  his  grandmother.  Queen  Victoria.  It 
was  impossible  that  he  could  surpass  her  in  acute- 
'  Scaring  is  no  use. 


THE   JUBILEE  YEAR  115 

ness,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  people  asked  no 
more  than  that  he  should  show  himself  worthy  of 
his  descent  on  his  mother's  side.  As  a  more 
cogent  argument,  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  British 
Government  always  wished  to  be  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  German  Empire,  but  that  the  Kaiser's 
policy  had  a  leaning  towards  diplomatic  'experi- 
ments which  had  a  most  disquieting  effect. 
Germany  ought  to  remember  that  England's  good- 
will was  of  much  greater  value  to  her  than  any 
other  diplomatic  connections.  These  articles  roused 
displeasure  in  Germany,  where  they  were  inter- 
preted as  an  attack,  not  only  on  the  Kaiser's  person 
but  also  on  the  Empire,  and  both  the  official  and 
semi-official  Press  were  ready  with  a  reply. 
England  openly  demanded  that  "  Navyless 
Germany  "  should  not  dare  to  cross  her  path 
as  a  colonizing  Power.  But  Germany  did  not 
intend  to  be  put  aside  in  the  pursuit  of  her  legiti- 
mate interests.  From  that  moment  the  importance 
of  a  sea-going  fleet  of  powerful  ships  began  to 
dawn  upon  the  German  mind.  People  saw  that 
there  was  a  natural  connection  between  naval  policy 
and  colonial  policy.  Germany's  action  towards 
Japan  and  the  displeasure  this  circumstance  aroused 
in  England  gave  new  support  to  German  naval 
policy,  and  this  found  a  direct  expression  in  the 
Kaiser's  famous  telegram  to  President  Kruger  on 
the  occasion  of  Dr.  Jameson's  ill-starred  raid  into 
the  Transvaal  towards  the  end  of  1895  :  "I  con- 
gratulate you  most  heartily  on  the  fact  that  in 
your  Own  strength  and  without  appealing  to  the  help 
of  friendly  Powers,  you  and  your  people  have  been 
sucdessful  in  securing  peace  for  yourselves  against 


ii6  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

the  armed  bands  which  broke  into  your  country, 
and  also  in  safeguarding  your  independence  against 
attack  from  outside."  It  has  been  known  from 
the  very  first  that  this  telegram,  which  generally 
goes  by  the  name  of  "  the  Kruger  telegram,"  was 
not  due  to  any  "  impulsive  action  "  on  the  part  of 
the  Kaiser.  The  Times  at  once  announced  that 
it  had  been  composed  in  the  Chancellor's  palace, 
where  Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  then  Foreign 
Secretary,  Herr  von  HoUmann,  Minister  for  Naval 
Affairs,  and  others  had  been  summoned  to  a  con- 
ference with  the  Kaiser.  Another  version,  which 
in  reality  amounts  to  the  same  thing — namely,  that 
a  deliberate  State  action  took  place — stated  that 
the  telegram  was  composed  by  the  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs  and  submitted  to  the  Kaiser,  ready 
for  signature,  in  the  presence  of  the  gentlemen 
mentioned.  The  Kaiser  was  decidedly  opposed  to 
burdening  the  telegraphic  cables  with  this  quite 
superfluous  and,  from  a  political  point  of  view, 
highly  doubtful  telegram  ;  but  the  Foreign  Secre- 
tary, whose  diplomatic  abilities,  as  far  as  we  can 
judge,  were  considerably  overrated  by  his  col- 
leagues, at  any  rate,  after  he  had  succeeded  in 
getting  into  office,'  adhered  to  the  view  that  it  was 
necessary  for  the  German  Empire  to  take  action  in 
the  affair  by  means  of  an  Imperial  dispatch. 
Besides,   in   this   the   Kaiser  could   depend  on  the 

*  As  an  example  of  the  small  esteem  he  enjoyed  on  first  taking 
office,  among  other  things  on  account  of  his  complete  ignorance 
of  foreign  languages,  it  may  be  quoted  that  in  the  Diplomatic 
Corps  he  was  known,  not  as  M.  le  ministre  aux  affaires  etraugeres 
(the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs),  but  as  M.  le  ministre  etrangei 
aux  affaires  (the  Minister  with  no  knowledge  of  affairs). 


THE  JUBILEE   YEAR  117 

general  approval  of  the  German  nation.  This 
last  argument  proved  convincing.  The  Kaiser  not 
only  gave  his  consent  to  the  telegram,  but  he 
also  ordered  that  it  should  be  published  in  the 
Press. 

The  Kruger  telegram  made  a  great  sensation 
throughout  the  world,  but  especially  in  England 
and  Germany.  There  were  at  first  in  England 
a  good  many  people  who  were  willing  to  excuse 
the  Kaiser,  though  they  thought  it  rather  remark- 
able that  Queen  Victoria's  grandson — the  annual 
guest  at  the  Cowes  Regatta  and  the  constant, 
demonstrative  exponent  of  his  friendly  feelings 
towards  England — should  be  the  very  first  man 
to  express  his  joy  to  the  Boers  on  the  occasion 
of  a  British  reverse.  But  he  never  could  leave 
the  telegraph-wires  alone  when  anything  happened, 
and  this  was  a  first-class  opportunity  of  meddling 
with  them. 

If  things  had  stopped  at  this  benevolent  inter- 
pretation on  the  part  of  the  British  public,  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  the  whole  disturbance 
would  have  died  down  very  quickly.  But  it  very 
soon  became  evident  that  the  whole  incident  was 
nothing  short  of  a  fixed  attempt  to  collide  with 
British  colonial  interests  in  Africa.  Among  other 
things,  it  was  ascertained  that  just  as  Dr.  Jameson 
was  completing  his  preparations  the  Germans  had 
exerted  strong  pressure  on  the  Portuguese  Govern- 
ment to  allow  the  passage  of  German  troops 
through  the  district  of  Delagoa  Bay.  This  decided 
the  matter,  and  what  at  first  had  been  only  a 
temporary  feeling  of  displeasure  now  turned  into 
downright  national  fury,  which  swept  England  from 


ii8  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

end  to  end  and  destroyed  the  last  remnants  of 
sympathy   with   the   Kaiser. 

He  continued  to  remain  on  friendly  terms  with 
his  English  relatives,  whom  he  visited  privately 
during  the  next  year.  Politically,  however,  England 
was  closed  to  him,  and  it  was  not  until  five  years 
later,  on  a  raw,  chilly  January  day  in  1901,  by 
the  death-bed  of  Queen  Victoria — after  he  had 
disappointed  the  Boers  in  all  their  expectations, 
and  their  fate  was,  in  fact,  already  sealed — that 
a  kind  of  reconciliation  was  made  between  the 
Kaiser  and  the  British  people.  But  time  has  never 
allowed  the  Kruger  telegram  to  sink  into  oblivion, 
and  even  after  his — to  the  Germans — painfully 
open-hearted  disclosures  in  1908,  to  which  we 
shall  refer  later,  there  remained  in  the  British 
people  a  sense  of  distrust  which  rankled  continu- 
ously up  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Kruger  telegram  aroused 
perfectly  unanimous  enthusiasm  in  Germany.  The 
people  took  it  as  a  proof  that  the  German  colonial 
policy  had  now  been  led  into  a  definite  path,  that 
those  in  the  highest  quarters  really  meant  to 
develop  the  German-African  Colonial  Empire  which 
had  been  founded  by  Bismarck,  but  which  had  been 
crippled  later  by  the  Heligoland  Agreement.  Feel- 
ing in  Germany  was  in  favour  of  the  Boers.  The 
Kaiser  had  interpreted  the  nation's  feelings  just  as 
they  wished  them  to  be  interpreted  in  the  face  of 
an  occurrence  like  the  Jameson  Raid.  It  created 
sympathy  for  him  in  Germany,  even  among  those 
who  were  not  generally  reckoned  among  his 
admirers,  that  he  had  now  aroused  public  wrath 
against  himself  in  England  ;    he  no  longer  repre- 


THE  JUBILEE  YEAR  119 

sented  himself  only,  but  the  German  people  as 
well,  who  were  included  in  the  British  displeasure 
and  who  quite  instinctively  felt  a  satisfaction  in 
returning  it.  He  therefore  had  the  overwhelming 
bulk  of  the  nation  with  him  when  at  a  State 
banquet  at  the  Palace  in  Berlin  on  January  1 8, 
1896 — the  twenty-fifth  anniversary  of  the  Imperial 
proclamation  in  Versailles— he  expressed  himself 
in  the  following  remarkable  words:  "  The  German 
Empire  has  become  a  World-Empire.  Thousands 
of  our  countrymen  live  abroad  in  the  most  distant 
parts  of  the  world.  German  manufactures,  German 
science,  German  industry,  travel  across  the  ocean. 
The  value  of  German  goods  afloat  may  be  esti- 
mated at  thousands  of  millions.  It  is  your  duty, 
gentlemen,  to  see  that  you  help  me  to  incorporate 
this  Greater  Germany  permanently  into  the  old 
Fatherland.  .  .  .  You  will  loyally  and  devotedly 
assist  me  to  discharge  my  duty,  not  only  to  our 
countrymen  at  home  but  to  those  thousands  of 
our  countrymen  who  dwell  afar,  so  that  when  they 
need  my  protection  I  may  have  the  power  to 
extend  it  to  them." 


CHAPTER    X  ; 

A   FUTURE   ON   THE   SEAS 

The  Kaiser's  grandiloquent  speech  on  the 
"  Greater  "  Germany  of  the  future — the  Colonial 
Empire  beyond  the  sea  which  was  to  be  welded 
together  into  an  organic  whole  with  the  mother- 
country — gave  The  Times  an  opportunity  of  putting 
two  very  practical  questions :  In  what  hitherto 
unappropriated  quarter  of  the  globe  is  this  new 
empire  to  be  carved  out,  or  else  how  and  from 
whom  is  it  to  be  conquered?  By  whom  is  it  to  be 
populated? 

These  questions,  which  cannot  be  called  un- 
reasonable from  the  British  point  of  view,  had, 
however,  a  certain  sting  in  them  which  made  official 
Germany  smart? 

Visionaries  I  Where  will  you  get  to  without 
a  Navy? 

Here  we  touch  the  central  point  of  German 
colonial  policy.  It  had  begun  to  make  conquests 
beyond  the  sea,  and  had  inaugurated  a  WeltpoUtik 
without  having  a  fleet  which  was  qualified  to  sup- 
port the  policy,  and  with  an  administration  which 
was  entirely  devoid  of  either  understanding  or 
interest  in  the  matter,  Caprivi,  showing  a  know- 
ledge of  men  which  would  have  done  credit  even 


A   FUTURE   ON   THE   SEAS  121 

to  his  predecessor,  had  established  a  Colonial  Office 
with  an  independent  head.  Its  object  was  to  defeat 
official  ambitions  by  clearing  out  the  city  bureau- 
crats, who  looked  upon  colonial  policy  as  a  tiresome 
but  unavoidable  consequence  of  Germany's  being 
a  Great  Power. 

.William  II  had  seen  the  connection  between 
colonial  and  naval  policy  earlier  than  the  majority 
of  his  countrymen — more  from  inborn  love  of 
conquest  than  from  a  true  political  instinct.  But, 
unfortunately,  he  had  been  quite  unable  to  impress 
the  German  people  with  the  same  view.  He  could 
not  do,  so,  even  as  he  could  not  gain  German 
confidence  in  other  directions,  because  of  his 
impatience  and  annoyance  at  all  opposition,  his  fits 
of  passion,  his  constant  unmasking  of  his  batteries, 
to  use  a  military  term,  and  above  everything  else 
his  demonstrative  assurances  of  friendship  towards 
England,  which  only  made  matters  worse. 

He  had  already  referred  to  the  affair  of  Kiau- 
chau  in  his  speech  on  Versailles  Day,  but  when 
speaking  at  the  opening  of  the  Reichstag  in 
November  1897,  he  used  more  moderate  language 
than  might  have  been  expected.  He  attended  in 
person,  and  announced  the  introduction  of  the 
motion  subsequently  passed  in  the  form  of  the 
so-called   "  First  Navy  Act." 

"  The  development  of  our  Fleet,"  he  said  in  his 
historical  speech  from  the  Throne,  "  does  not  corre- 
spond to  what  Germany  is  compelled  to  ask  of 
her  naval  forces.  The  Fleet  is  inadequate  to 
guarantee  the  safety  of  our  harbours  and  coasts 
against  a  blockade  or  other  enterprises  of  the 
enemy  in  the  event  of  hostile  complications.     Nor 


122  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

has  it  kept  pace  with  the  vigorous  growth  of  our 
interests  beyond  the  sea.  While  German  trade 
shares  to  an  increasing  extent  in  the  commerce 
of  the  world,  the  number  of  our  ships  of  war  is 
inadequate  to  afford  to  our  countrymen  in  foreign 
countries  that  degree  of  protection  which  is  worthy 
of  the  position  of  Germany,  and  thereby  also  we 
fail  to  offer  them  that  support  which  only  a  well- 
developed  Navy  is  in  a  position  to  give.  Although 
we  do  not  attempt  to  rival  naval  Powers  of  the  first 
rank,  Germany  must  be  put  in  a  position  to  main- 
tain her  prestige  among  the  nations  of  the  world 
by  arming  herself  adequately.  To  this  end  it  is 
necessary  that  the  Home  Fleet  should  be 
strengthened,  and  that  the  number  of  ships 
intended  for  foreign  service  in  time  of  peace  should 
be  increased." 

In  order  to  emphasize  still  further  the  importance 
of  his  words,  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  rn^ake  a 
personal  appeal  to  the  members  of  the  Reichstag, 
after  the  reading  of  the  speech,  begging  them  to 
assist  him  to  keep  his  Imperial  oath  "  to  defend 
the  unity   of   the   Empire   abroad." 

It  required,  however,  great  efforts  to  force  the 
Bill  through  the  Reichstag,  as  the  members,  in 
spite  of  a  persevering  lobby  agitation  and  some 
point-blank  threats  on  the  part  of  the  Kaiser  to 
strike  down  the  opposition,  did  not  feel  themselves 
called  upon  to  make  any  concessions.  In  order 
to  leave  no  means  untried,  the  Kaiser  even  had 
recourse  to  the  unusual  expedient  of  addressing  an 
appeal  to  the  nation  in  the  form  of  a  circular, 
which,  on  a  basis  of  statistics,  informed  the  general 
public    of    the    regrettable    fact    that    the    German 


A   FUTURE   ON  THE   SEAS  123 

Navy,  notwithstanding  the  launching  of  several 
new  ships  during  the  first  half  of  the  'nineties,  was 
proportionately  weaker,  compared  with  the  Navies 
of  the  other  Great  Powers,  than  was  the  case  at 
the  Kaiser's  accession.  This  information  really 
implied  a  sharp  criticism  on  "  the  new  course  " 
as  well  as  on  himself  for  having  allowed  Caprivi,. 
who  did  not  wish  to  take  up  the  cudgels  in  the 
Reichstag  on  behalf  of  the  Navy,  to  cut  down  the 
most  necessary  expenditure.  The  result  was  that 
naval  development  had  really  come  to  a  standstill 
— involving  even  retrogression.  But  at  this  moment 
it  looked  as  if  the  majority  of  the  nation  was  willing 
to  forget  even  that.  Instinctively  the  pendulum 
began  to  swing  towards  him,  with  the  one  excep- 
tion of  the  Socialists— the  V aterlanddose  Gesellen,^ 
as  he  had  styled  them  some  months  before  in  a 
telegram  to  his  brother  Prince  Henry.  From  that 
moment  the  game  was  practically  won.  The  rest  of 
the  agitation  was  worked  by  the  Navy  League,  which 
was  founded  in  April  1898,  some  weeks  after  the 
First  Navy  Act  had  been  'passed  by  the  Reichstag. 

This  association,  the  name  of  which  will  always 
be  connected  with  the  reconstruction  of  the  German 
Navy  about  tlie  year  1900,  had  for  a  number  of 
years  carried  out  its  programme  with  unequalled 
ability  ;  it  was  a  perfect  masterpiece  of  agitation, 
whatever  view  might  be  held  as  to  the  agitation 
itself. 

Together  with  the  Naval  Department,  under  the 
leadership     of    Admiral     von     Tirpitz,^    the     Navy 

'  Unpatriotic  fellows. 

'  Dismissed  1916,  some  months  after  the  appearance  of  this 
book  in  the  Norwegian  original. 


124  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

League,  under  Admiral  von  Koester,  has  worked 
more  quietly  and  more  steadily  than  any  other 
administrative  machine  in  the  whole  Empire.  Herr 
von  Tirpitz  introduced  the  naval  Bills  into  the 
Reichstag,  and  bore  the  burden  and  heat  of  the 
day  in  order  to  push  them  through.  Herr  von 
Koester  undertook  the  manipulation  of  the  people 
at  large,  overcame  the  element  of  inertia  always 
present  in  them,  and  made  the  pendulum  of  thought 
swing  in  the  desired  direction.  Undoubtedly  the 
Kaiser,  as  we  have  mentioned  before,  tried,  through 
his  naval  Cabinet,  to  exert  an  undue  influence  in 
the  management  of  affairs,  and  several  of  those 
types  of  ships  which  he  had  introduced  as  first- 
class  I  had  to  be  abandoned  later  as  complete 
failures.  The  essential  thing,  however,  was  that 
Herr  von  Tirpitz  and  Herr  von  Koester  were 
allowed  to  remain  at  their  posts,  undisturbed  by 
all  those  Imperial  squalls  which  in  the  course  of 
years  had  blown  so  many  other  capable  men  away 
from  their  positions. 

The  result  was  that  by  degrees  there  grew  up 
a  Germany  with  a  naval  and  colonial  programme 
far  more  strongly  defined  than  it  had  been  in  the 
speech  from  the  Throne  of  1897,  and,  above  all, 
backed  by  a  national  will  which  carried  consider- 
ably farther  than  the  Imperial  words.  To  the 
Kaiser  the  Navy,  to  a  certain  extent,  has  always 
been  a  theme  for  declamation.  For  the  nation  it 
has  embodied  a  reality,  wliich  has  entered  into  its 
life  and  influenced  its  development.     Accordinglyj, 

*  As,  for  example,  the  so-called  Hertha  class  (cruisers)  which 
had  to  be  taken  out  of  active  service  long  ago,  and  pass  into  the 
category  of  training  ships. 


A   FUTURE   ON   THE   SEAS  125 

the  nation  was  very  slow  to  respond  to  the  appeal, 
but  when  it  did  respond  it  was  prepared  to  take  all 
the  consequences.  It  is  necessary  to  grasp  this 
fact  in  order  to  understand  the  agitation  which 
so  deeply  influenced  the  German  mind  and  outlook 
during  the  fourteen  years  from  the  beginning  of 
the  new  century  up  to  the  Great  War.  It  was  as 
though  the  nation  were  seized  by  a  sense  of  the 
need  for  expansion — a  kind  of  sehnsuchtvolles 
Hiingerleiden  nach  dem  Unerreichlichen,^  as  it  was 
put  by  a  representative  of  the  Reichstag  nearly  ten 
years  ago  in  a  happy  quotation  from  Goethe.  The 
work  of  the  Navy  League  in  this  direction  has 
exercised  such  an  important  influence  that  it  becomes 
the  salient  feature  of  this  period  of  the  reign  of 
William  II. 

The  Navy  League  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Great 
War  included  more  than  three  hundred  local  asso- 
ciations, with  a  total  membership  of  nearly  four 
millions.  Through  its  monthly  paper,  Die  Flotte, 
which  had  a  circulation  of  over  350,000  copies, 
through  countless  pamphlets  and  lectures,  the 
League  for  a  number  of  years  has  succeeded  in 
arousing  an  exceptional  interest  in  the  Fleet.  With 
praiseworthy  understanding  of  the  old  saying 
that  "  they  that  are  whole  need  not  a  physician, 
but  they  that  are  sick,"  the  League  had  concen- 
trated its  eff"orts  on  the  interior  of  the  country — 
wherever  there  might  be  an  abode  of  doubt  and 
ignorance.  In  the  Bavarian  highlands,  far  in  East 
Prussia,  and  in  the  Rhine  province,  where  people 
formerly  lived  in  a  condition  of  primitive  ignorance 
with  regard  to  maritime  aft'airs,  the  practised 
A  yearning  hunger  after  the  unattainable. 


126  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

lecturers  of  the  League  were  at  work.  A  score 
of  cinematographs,  owned  by  the  League,  made 
known  the  greatness  and  growth  of  the  Fleet,  the 
marvels  of  mechanism,  and  the  wonderful  dis- 
coveries and  improvements.  The  leading  men  were 
passed  by  in  review,  the  Kaiser  at  their  head,  of 
course,  as  the  creator  of  the  whole.  Every  single 
year  thousands  of  school  children  and  their  teachers 
from  the  interior  of  the  country  were  conveyed, 
on  the  initiative  of  the  League,  to  the  coast,  to  the 
military  and  naval  ports  and  docks,  in  order  that 
they  might  see  all  the  ships  which  the  Kaiser  was 
building  for  the  defence  of  Germany.  The 
Imperial  catchwords  were  repeated  till  every  school 
child  knew  them  and  no  average  citizen  could  doubt 
their  accuracy.  "  Our  future  which  lies  on  the 
seas,"  "  Neptune's  trident,  which  must  rest  in  the 
hand  of  Germany,"  "  the  free  ocean,  which  is  an 
indispensable  condition  of  Germany's  greatness," 
"  the  bitter  need  for  a  Navy,"  etc. — all  these 
phrases  gradually  sank  into  the  consciousness  of 
the  people,  though  they  were  not  roused  until  they 
observed,  or  fancied  they  observed,  opposition  to 
their  legitimate  claims. 

These  feelings  of  anger,  however,  were  not  suffi- 
cient in  themselves  ;  they  needed  to  be  artificially 
stimulated.  In  this  respect  the  Navy  League  has 
been  unceasingly  at  work — particularly  whenever 
it  has  been  necessary  to  support  the  experimental 
foreign  policy  of  the  Kaiser.  "  The  Fatherland 
in  Danger,"  "  Perfidious  Albion,"  "  The  British 
Peril,"  "  England  the  Enemy,"  "  The  Next  War," 
etc.— all  these  are  the  titles  of  pamphlets  dating 
from   the   years   immediately   preceding   the  war. 


A   FUTURE   ON   THE   SEAS  127 

They  show  the  nature  of  the  agitation  and  the  way 
in  which  it  was  carried  on — with  the  fixed  purpose 
of  creating  a  constantly  growing  Fleet.  The 
programme  was,  to  put  it  briefly,  to  secure 
"  Neptune's  trident  "  at  whatever  cost.  It  was 
an  aspiration,  like  the  America  Cup  and  the 
Atlantic  record. 

In  the  whole  of  this  agitation  the  Kaiser  was, 
if  not  exactly  the  central  figure,  at  any  rate  the 
official  symbol.  His  telegrams  and  speeches  con- 
cerning the  Navy  and  Wettpolitlk  increased  in 
number  after  the  passing  of  the  First  Navy  Act 
and  the  establishment  of  the  Navy  League.  He 
congratulated  the  German  confederate  princes, 
complimented  the  managers  of  the  League  on 
various  occasions,  gave  orders  to  a  detachment 
of  torpedo-boats  to  steam  up  the  Rhine  and  touch 
at  Cologne  "  in  order  to  bring  a  greeting  from 
the  sea."  They  went  farther  and  farther  inland, 
in  spite  of  all  obstacles,  passed  through  Hessen 
and  Baden,  and  only  stopped  at  Strassburg. 
Even  Bavaria,  with  its  highland  associations,  was 
visited,  and  one  day  in  1900  the  flotilla  steered 
into  Germersheim,  where  the  little  Queich  River, 
after  a  short  course  eastward,  runs  into  the 
Rhine. 

The  princes  of  the  German  Confederation  ex- 
pressed, both  personally  and  on  behalf  of  their 
subjects,  their  loyal  feelings  towards  the  Kaiser 
on  the  occasion  of  these  unusual  visits.  The 
Kaiser  telegraphed  expressing  his  thanks  in 
return.  He  was  "  convinced  that  national  enthu- 
siasm, comprehension,  and  interest  with  regard  to 
our    task   on    the   sea   is   surely   increasing    in   the 


128  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

German  people,"  and  that  his  "  exertions  to  secure 
a  strong  Navy  for  Germany  "  would  be  crowned 
with  success. 

He  watched  his  ships  being  launched — in  Kiel, 
in  Hamburg,  Wilhelmshaven — Kaiser  Wilhelm  der 
Grosse  and  Kaiser  Karl  der  Grosse  within  a  few 
months  of  each  other  in  1899,  and  Wittelsbach  in 
1900.  They  were  the  first  practical  results  of 
the  Navy  Act  and  of  the  labours  of  the  Navy 
League.  Each  of  these  ships  was  "  a  new  piece 
of  the  floating  bulwarks  of  the  Fatherland  " — a 
proof  that  Germany  had  at  length  awakened  to 
the  understanding  of  "  how  forcibly  the  waves  of 
the  ocean  beat  upon  the  gates  of  our  nation  and 
compel  us,  as  a  great  people,  to  assert  our  place 
in  the  world  " — in  other  words,  to  embark  on  a 
Weltpolitik.  "  The  freedom  of  the  sea  is  in- 
dispensable to  the  greatness  of  Germany.  But 
the  ocean  reminds  us  also  that  on  it  and  beyond 
it  no  great  decision  may  henceforward  be  made 
without  Germany  and  the  German  Emperor.  I 
am  not  one  of  those  who  think  that  our  German 
nation,  under  the  leadership  of  its  princes,  con- 
quered and  bled  thirty  years  ago,  in  order  to  let 
itself  be  put  aside  now  when  great  events  are 
being  decided  abroad.  If  we  submitted  to  that, 
it  would  be  all  over  with  the  position  of  Germany 
in  the  world,  and  I  do  not  intend  to  let  that 
come  to  pass.  To  use  the  most  suitable  and, 
if  need  be,  the  most  drastic  means,  regardless 
of  consequences,  towards  the  attainment  of 
our  end — such  is  my  duty  and  my  greatest 
privilege."  !  I 

The  complete  change  which  had  taken  place  in 


A   FUTURE   ON   THE   SEAS  129 

the  nation  could  not  have  been  emphasized  -more 
clearly  than  it  was,  by  word  and  deed,  by  writings 
and  by  pictures.  Yet  we  must  not  forget  that 
from  the  very  beginning  of  the  new  century  there 
were  many  who  resisted — temperate  newspapers 
and  magazines  and  neutral  business  corporations 
— as,  for  instance,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  at 
Bremen  as  early  as  1901  in  its  Annual  Report. 
The  tendency  towards  exaggeration,  now  that  the 
Kaiser  himself  was  involved  in  the  movement,  was 
certain  to  arouse  anxiety  in  all  who  were  able  to 
see  beyond  the  actual  moment.  "  The  German 
nation  becomes  more  and  more  defiant  in  its 
language  when  discussing  official  matters,"  wrote 
the  well-known  journal  Die  Grenzboten  in  January 
1902.  "  It  is  lamentable  to  notice  how  the  tone 
on  such  matters  has  changed  during  the  last  ten 
years — it  is  high  time  to  stop  pouring  oil  upon 
the  fire."  As  we  have  already  indicated,  these 
and  similar  wise  words  did  not  receive  the  atten- 
tion they  deserved,  especially  on  account  of  the 
disastrous  theory  of  the  European  "  ring  policy  " 
towards  Germany,  which  already  had  begun 
to  obtain  power  over  the  minds  of  men.  The 
Imperial  speech  just  quoted  is  particularly  illu- 
minating on  this  point — and  it  was  not  to  be 
the  last. 

Here  was  the  German  nation  on  the  threshold 
of  the  twentieth  century,  which  the  Kaiser,  in 
spite  of  the  almanack  and  the  rest  of  the 
world,  had  decreed  should  begin  on  January  i, 
1900. 

"  The  German  nation  is  like  a  gallant  race- 
horse," said  the  Kaiser  in  a  speech  given  at  Stettin. 

10 


130  WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

"  He    will    not    allow    any    other   to    get    ahead   of 
him,  but  will  keep  the  lead." 

And  so  the  German  nation  took  a  spurt  forward 
in  the  grey  dawn  of  the  twentieth  century,  while  its 
competitors  had  still  365  days  left  out  of  the 
nineteenth. 


CHAPTER   XI 

THE   END   OF   THE   FIRST  TEN   YEARS 

The  significant  change  in  the  national  views  of 
Germany  outhned  in  the  preceding  chapter  prac- 
tically coincided  with  Prince  Hohenlohe's  Chan- 
cellorship. It  was  the  period  of  Imperial  autocracy 
par  excellence — the  high  summer  of  might,  when 
ambition  spread  its  wings  and  shaped  its  course 
towards  a  distant  goal.  It  was  inaugurated  in  a 
reactionary  fashion  by  an  appeal  on  the  part  of 
the  Kaiser  to  the  Prussian  nobility  to  support  him 
in  the  struggle  for  religion,  morality,  and  order 
against  the  revolutionary  party  ;  but  it  was  obvious 
that  no  moment  could  have  been  less  suitable  for 
the  launching  of  such  a  policy.  The  so-called 
"  Revolt  Act,"  which  was  introduced  into  the 
Reichstag  shortly  after  Caprivi's  fall,  will  stand 
out  for  all  time  as  a  remarkable  proof  of  political 
short-sightedness  in  William  II  and  his  advisers. 

The  discussion  on  the  Bill,  which  extended 
through  nearly  the  whole  of  the  session  of  1895, 
contributed  largely  to  embitter  the  jubilee  year, 
and  created  that  widespread  discontent  and  in- 
difference which  we  have  already  mentioned.  The 
Bill  was  ingenuous  to  the  last  degree  because 
religion  and  national  ambitions,  Christian  socialism, 


132  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

and  greedy  desires  for  conquest  across  the  seas 
cannot  easily  be  cultivated  side  by  side.  Here 
Caprivi  showed  a  true  instinct  and  a  sound,  Con- 
servative, and  thoroughly  honourable  view  which 
was  based  on  something  of  a  historical  tradition. 
A  generation  earlier  Roon,  the  famous  War 
Minister  of  William  I,  had  been  anxious  lest 
Prussia's  position  as  the  leading  power  in  Germany 
should  have  a  demoralizing  effect  on  the  strongly 
monarchical  and  ecclesiastical  character  of  the 
great  majority  of  the  Prussian  people,  and  there- 
fore he  held  out  for  a  long  time  against  the  Bis- 
marckian  policy.  Caprivi  was  troubled  lest  the 
ambitiously  conceived  colonial  policy  which 
William  II  had  taken  up  should  transform  the 
old-fashioned  honourable  type  of  contented  and 
loyal  Germans  into  a  vulgar,  pushing  race,  with 
British  individualism  and  American  haste.  This 
fear  was  undoubtedly  justified  from  the  psycho- 
logical point  of  view.  But  even  if  Caprivi  had 
been  allowed  to  continue  in  office  as  Chancellor, 
the  German  community,  when  he  entered  public 
life,  was  already  so  deeply  affected  by  social  con- 
tradictions and  by  all  the  questions  connected  with 
them,  and  so  distinctly  materialistic  in  all  its  com- 
mercial morality  and  its  views  on  economic 
questions  that  the  thing  could  no  longer  be  stayed. 
Prince  Hohenlohe,  who  had  less  character  than 
Caprivi,  and  who,  above  all,  was  not  troubled  by 
the  latter's  moral  anxieties,  was  distinctly  better 
able  to  adopt  such  a  policy.  His  great  age  was 
also  an  excuse  for  him,  as  it  cannot  well  be 
expected  that  any  strong  resistance  to  Imperial 
desires   can   be   offered  by  a  man  of   seventy-six 


THE  END  OF   THE   FIRST  TEN   YEARS     133 

who  earlier  in  life  had  not  shown  much  inde- 
pendence. .With  Hohenlohe  official  irresponsibility- 
appeared  in  public  life  in  a  way  which  people 
had  never  before  seen  or  imagined  possible.  He 
was  bom  in  18 19,  and  for  many  years  he  had 
pursued  a  successful  career  in  accordance  with 
the  theory  which  he  had  once  jokingly  recom- 
mended, that  "  a  young  man  who  wants  to  make 
his  way  in  the  world  ought  to  have  a  good  black 
coat  and  keep  his  mouth  shut."  He  had  been 
Ambassador  in  Paris  and  latterly  Governor  of 
Alsace-Lorraine — a  post  to  which  he  had  retired 
after  he  had  been  Prussian  Minister  of  State  in 
1884.  At  that  time  he  had  tendered  his  resigna- 
tion, after  having  been  six  months  in  office,  on 
the  grounds  that  the  official  duties  attached  to 
the  position  were  beyond  his  powers  and  his 
strength.  Now — ten  years  later — he  allowed  him- 
self to  be  appointed,  not  only  Prussian  Minister  of 
State  but  Imperial  Chancellor.  He  tells  us  that 
he  at  first  declined  the  office,  and  only  after  two 
days'  pressure  gave  way  to  the  Imperial  request  ; 
but  unfortunately  the  statement  is  not  quite 
correct,  when  the  editor  of  his  famous  "  Memoirs  " 
(which  in  many  respects  are  such  an  excellent 
source  of  information  concerning  the  age  of 
William  II)  makes  the  observation  that  a  "  sense 
of  imperative  patriotic  duty  seems  to  have  de- 
cided the  Prince  to  follow  the  Imperial  call  in 
spite  of  his  serious  misgivings."  The  fact  is  that 
Prince  Hohenlohe  was  finally  given  his  choice 
between  the  Chancellorship  and  dismissal  from 
State  service  altogether.  He  chose  the  first  alter- 
native because  his  active  nature  could  not  reconcile 


134  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

itself  to  the  thought  of  complete  idleness  even 
in  advanced  years.  But  it  goes  without  saying 
that  he  was  too  clever  to  nurse  any  illusions  as 
to  the   permanence  of  his   new  appointment. 

"  The  difficulty  of  my  new  position  lies  in  His 
Majesty's  unexpected  decisions,"  he  notes  in  his 
Diary  for  January  14,  1895.  But  the  jubilee 
year,  with  all  its  political  perplexities,  not  least 
so  in  the  shape  of  ministerial  crises  and  intrigues 
behind  the  scenes,  taught  him  to  act  with  a 
dexterity  hardly  to  be  expected  in  a  man  of  his 
age.  A  year  later,  on  January  26,  1896,  he  writes 
to  one  of  his  friends  : — 

"  I  should  have  answered  you  earlier,  but 
alternations  of  jubilee  festivities  and  crises  claim 
the  whole  of  my  time.  As  a  rule  the  crises 
pass  off  quite  peaceably  after  having  kept  my 
friends  in  suspense  for  some  days.  For  the 
moment  His  Majesty  agrees  with  me  and  will 
have  no  other  Chancellor  but  me.  Under  the 
circumstances,  therefore,  I  am,  in  spite  of  all 
my  shortcomings,  the  best  Chancellor  he  could 
have." 

"  And  what  would  be  gained  by  a  change  in  the 
Chancellorship?  "  he  asks  in  another  place  in  his 
Diary,  after  having  mentioned  the  existence  of  a 
strong  opposition  in  the  Reichstag  bent  on  "  bring- 
ing me  into  discredit  with  His  Majesty.  Naturally 
nothing  but  conflicts  with  the  Reichstag.  But 
conflicts  with  the  Reichstag  will  lead  to 
dissolution  and  new  elections.  Dissolution,  again, 
leads  to  coups  d'etat,  and  coups  d'etat  to  conflicts 
with  the  Confederate  Princes,  to  civil  war,  to  the 
dissolution  of  the  German  Empire.     Then  foreign 


THE  END  OF   THE    FIRST  TEN   YEARS     135 

countries  would  not  keep  quiet,  but  would  inter- 
fere— at  least,  France  would." 

The  observation  is  brilliantly  clear  in  its 
argument  from  cause  to  effect.  In  the  face 
of  such  far-reaching  possibilities  it  was  natural 
that  the  Kaiser  and  his  Chancellor  should 
agree,  both  in  their  own  interest  and  in  the 
interests  of  the  Fatherland.  It  appeared,  in 
fact,  as  if  the  Kaiser  were  increasingly  satisfied 
with  his  elderly  Chancellor,  and  on  several  occa- 
sions he  took  the  opportunity  of  congratulating 
him  on  the  political  success  he  had  obtained. 

In  1897  there  came  an  opportunity  to  celebrate 
a  new  jubilee.  A  hundred  years  had  passed  since 
William  I  was  born,  and  because  of  the  eminent 
part  he  had  taken  in  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Fatherland,  and  because  of  his  high  moral  quali- 
ties, it  was  right  both  from  the  historical  and 
human  points  of  view  that  his  memory  should 
receive  the  honour  due  to  it. 

For  William  II,  who  long  ago  had  lost  all  sense 
of  proportion  where  his  grandfather  was  concerned, 
this  event  became  a  new  and  elaborate  subject 
for  declamation,  with  all  the  phrases  of  1895, 
and  even  earlier.  The  old  Kaiser,  whose  strong 
points  were  his  modesty,  his  moral  dignity,  and, 
with  regard  to  his  greatest  achievement — his  un- 
qualified admission  that  his  own  work  ranked 
second — ^was  made  to  rise  again  on  his  hundredth 
anniversary  as  the  creator  of  the  whole.  He  was 
now  the  man  with  "  the  great  thoughts  always 
lying  ready  in  his  brain,"  and  waiting  to  be  re- 
leased at  the  psychological  moment.  "  Under 
God's  guidance  there  were  by  his  side  many  wise 


136  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

and  capable  advisers,  who  had  the  honour  of  carry- 
ing out  his  thoughts.  But  they  were  simply  tools 
for  his  exalted  will,  and  vessels  filled  with  that 
exalted  Emperor's  spirit."  With  this  mistaken 
piety  towards  his  grandfather's  memory,  the  Kaiser 
was  not  satisfied  with  disturbing  the  very  founda- 
tions of  fact  and  establishing  hopeless  confusion 
between  cause  and  effect.  He  felt  that  he  must 
dramatize  him  in  the  literal  sense  of  the  word. 
Together  with  the  author  Ernst  von  Wildenbruch 
— a  novelist  who  was  on  a  par  with  the  Kaiser's 
French  ideal  Georges  Ohnet  and  not  much  better 
as  a  dramatist — he  wrote  a  festival  play  entitled 
"Willehalm."  He  was  present  at  the  rehearsals, 
thoroughly  amused  himself  with  the  actors  and 
actresses  who  were  taking  parts,  and  gave  advice 
and  directions  with  the  confidence  of  an  old  stage 
hand. 

He  was  particularly  eager  in  instructing  an 
actress  to  whom  had  been  assigned  the  difficult 
task   of   representing    "  the   German   soul." 

"  You  must  not  smile  in  this  part,"  he  said. 
"  The  German  soul  is  profoundly  serious — and 
always  the  same,"  he  added.  "  You  must  express 
it  in  the  whole  of  your  bearing — yes,  even  in 
your  drapery.  It  must  flow  from  head  to  foot 
in  one  unbroken   line." 

But  the  German  soul  was  not  only  forbidden  to 
smile  ;  it  was  not  even  permitted  to  criticize.  That 
"  spirit  of  disobedience  "  to  which  the  Kaiser  had 
so  often  referred  was  a  thing  with  which  he  would 
have  no  dealings.  During  the  students'  torch- 
light procession  to  the  palace  on  the  occasion 
of  the  hundred  years'  jubilee  he  received  a  deputa- 


THE  END  OF   THE   FIRST  TEN  YEARS     137 

tion  from  the  procession,  and  adjured  them  to 
make  it  their  endeavour  that  the  German  people 
should  give  up  that  carping  and  grumbling  which 
was,   unhappily,    far   too   frequent   among   them. 

The  speech  made  a  sensation,  and  with  good 
cause.  There  was  no  visible  occasion  for  it  ;  quite 
the  contrary.  The  Kaiser  had  come  direct  from 
a  banquet  with  the  German  princes,  and  wherever 
he  looked  about  him  from  the  palace  balcony, 
loyalty  beamed  towards  him  in  the  illuminations 
and  torches.  Yet  the  thought  of  the  discontented 
elements  in  the  Empire  was  the  strongest  one 
within  him.  In  a  speech  five  years  before  he  had 
recommended  those  who  were  dissatisfied  "  to 
shake  off  the  German  dust  from  your  shoes  and 
seek  out  a  new  home  for  yourselves  under  a 
brighter  sky."  Now  he  was  not  particularly  dis- 
posed to  repeat  this  sentence,  because  he  knew 
that  the  army  of  malcontents  had  considerably 
increased  during  the  last  few  years,  and  that  it 
would  not  be  advisable  for  people  to  take  him 
too  literally.  He  only  wished  to  hammer  it  into 
the  youthful  students  on  an  evening  which  they 
were  likely  to  remember  that  it  must  be  their  task 
to  promote  within  the  Empire  a  correct  way  of 
thinking,  and  to  make  loyal  citizens  who  were 
satisfied  with  the  existing  state  of  things,  and  who 
were  unwilling  to  express  any  criticism  whatsoever. 

The  nation  was  to  place  "  the  great  Emperor," 
whose  centenary  was  now  being  celebrated,  "  on 
the  throne  "  of  its  admiration  and  love,  "  to  gather 
in  crowds  round  his  memory,  as  the  Spaniards  did 
of  yore  round  the  old  Cid."  In  truth,  he  had  done 
great  things  for  the  nation  and  had  set  it  a  shining 


138  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

example.  But  especially  had  he  "  raised  for  us 
princes  an  altar  which  it  is  our  duty  to  keep  holy — 
the  altar  of  monarchy  by  Divine  Right — monarchy 
with  its  heavy  duties,  its  incessant,  abiding  labour 
and  pains,  its  awful  responsibility  to  the  Creator 
alone — a  responsibility  from  which  no  human  being, 
no  minister,  no  representative  assembly,  no  nation, 
is  able  to  deliver  the  Prince." 

■With  such  a  view  of  his  position,  it  was  only 
natural  that  he  had  nothing  to,  say  to  the  nation 
on  the  tenth  anniversary  of  his  accession  to  the 
throne.  As  an  alternative  he  gathered  his  regi- 
ments of  bodyguards  together  at  Potsdam  on 
June  1 6,  1898,  and  addressed  them  in  a  long 
speech:  "The  greatest  inheritance  which  my 
illustrious  grandfather  and  father  bequeathed  to 
me,  and  which  I  entered  upon  with  joy  and  pride, 
is  the  Army.  To  the  Army  I  addressed  my  first 
speech  when  I  ascended  the  throne  ;  to  the  Army 
I  direct  my  words  once  more,  now  at  the  beginning 
of  a  new  decade.  It  was  with  deep  anxiety  that 
I  took  up  the  crown.  On  all  sides  men  doubted 
me,  on  all  sides  I  encountered  misunderstandings. 
Only  one  had  confidence  in  me,  only  one  believed 
in  me— and  this  was  the  Army."  In  this  cry  of 
distress  there  was  in  fact  an  admission— that  to-day, 
after  ten  years,  he  had  not  advanced  much.  The 
reason  for  this  was  evident  to  every  one  except 
himself.  Like  Joseph  of  Austria,  a  little  more 
than  a  century  before,  he  was  under  the  unfortunate 
delusion  that  "  good  intentions  are  sufficient  to 
secure  a  prosperous  reign."  No  more  fatal  mis- 
take can  be  made  by  a  ruler  than  that  ;  no  theory 
is  more  likely  to  delude  him  and  to  encourage  the 


THE   END  OF   THE  FIRST  TEN  YEARS     139 

fancy  that  he  is  something  of  a  misinterpreted 
genius.  The  whole  of  William  H's  reign  during 
the  'nineties  rests  upon  this  view.  Therefore  in 
reality  he  estranged  himself  more  and  more  from 
his  people,  in  spite  of  his  never-ending  speeches 
and  journeys,  his  parades  and  receptions  of 
princes,  his  exaggerated  advertising  of  the  name 
of  Germany  all  over  the  habitable  globe.  All 
this,  however,  was  not  what  the  nation  primarily 
desired.  It  wanted,  above  everything  else,  to  be 
left  alone — a  feeling  connected  with  its  feeble 
interest  in  public  life  and  its  indifference  towards 
the  parliamentary  form  of  government.  This 
element  of  inertia,  which  always  creates  a  favour- 
able soil  for  personal  rule,  naturally  did  not  enter 
for  a  moment  into  the  Imperial  calculations.  He 
governed  as  he  spoke,  without  regard  to  the  con- 
ditions around  him,  solely  occupied  with  whatever 
was  astir  in  his  restless  world  of  thought.  The 
system  he  represented,  which  from  its  very  nature 
ought  to  be  a  model  of  stability,  was  so  full 
of  surprises  that  the  nation  could  not  feci  at 
ease  for  a  single  day.  Every  morning  people 
ran  the  risk  of  waking  up  to  find  something  new 
had  happened.  Ministers  changed  with  almost 
uncanny  rapidity.  During  the  first  eight  years  of 
his  reign  the  Kaiser  saw  nineteen  new  Ministers 
around  him,  and  by  1898  "people  had  ceased 
to  count  them,"  said  a  German  writer.  Later  on 
they  were  changed  at  a  rate  which  yields  nothing 
in  comparison  with  the  most  unstable  conditions 
under   a   vacillating   parliamentary    system. 

Some    of    these    Ministers    were    removed    amid 
the    most    poignant    regrets    on    the    part    of    the 


140  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

nation,  among  them— in  1896 — the  distinguished 
Minister  of  War,  Bronsart,  who  had  an  excep- 
tional reputation  in  the  Army,  Others  disappeared 
in  silence,  the  victims  of  intrigues  and  hidden 
machinations.  All  this  was  accompanied  by  a 
passion  for  investigation  and  reform  in  all  direc- 
tions, for  new  ideas  and  experiments,  the  moment 
that  the  Kaiser's  active  brain*  thought  it  had  hit 
upon  something  fresh  in  one  direction  or  another. 
Army  organization,  social  policy,  commercial  and 
even  naval  policy,  were  altered  by  fits  and 
starts. 

A  few  weeks  before  the  Reichstag  met  to  discuss 
the  First  Navy  Bill,  an  event  took  place  which 
was  to  be  of  deep  significance  in  the  development 
of  Germany's   colonial   and  naval   pol'icy. 

During  the  first  days  of  November  1897  a  tele- 
gram was  received  stating  that  certain  Roman 
Catholic  missionaries  of  German  descent  had  been 
murdered  in  the  southern  part  of  the  Chinese 
province  of  Shantung.  Ten  days  later  a  German 
squadron  had  already  entered  the  bay  of  Kiau- 
Chau  and  annexed  the  district  in  the  name  of  the 
Kaiser.  It  was  no  new  plan  which  was  thus  put 
into  execution.  Germany  had  long  wished  to 
dbtain  a  firm  footing  in  Northern  China,  and  Herr 
von  Tirpitz,  during  his  stay  in  Eastern  Asia  in 
1896,  as  Admiral  of  the  German  squadron,  had 
fixed  his  attention  on  Kiau-Chau,  the  central  situa- 
tion of  which  and  its  excellent  hinterland  plainly 
made  it  an  ideal  spot  for  colonization.  Unfortu- 
nately, no  German  missionaries  had  then  been 
killed,  so  that  Herr  von  Tirpitz  was  obliged  to 
turn   back   from   the    Promised   Land   like   a   new 


THE   END  OF  THE  FIRST  TEN  YEARS     141 

Moses,  having  only  beheld  it  from  afar.  But 
now  that  an  opportunity  presented  itself  the  way 
became  quite  clear.  By  the  diplomatic  proceed- 
ings instituted  between  the  German  and  the 
Chinese  Governments  immediately  after  the 
German  landing  at  Kiau-Chau,  China  was  com- 
pelled to  punish  the  murderers  and  to  depose  the 
Governor  of  Shantung  as  being  the  "  moral 
instigator  "  of  the  murder — a  philosophical  defini- 
tion which  never  has  been  quite  clear  to  the  fol- 
lowers of  Confucius.  In  addition,  the  Chinese 
Government  had  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  20,000 
taels  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Mission  and  to  build 
three  "  penance  "  churches  and  seven  Mission 
buildings,  making  a  total  value  of  200,000  taels. 
The  best  part  of  the  whole  affair,  however,  was 
the  treaty  concerning  Kiau-Chau,  by  which 
Germany  "  leased  "  this  valuable  district  for 
ninety -nine  years. 

But  it  was  not  enough  to  carry  on  diplomatic 
negotiations  only.  Germany's  first  conquest  in 
Eastern  Asia  naturally  had  to  be  inaugurated  in 
a  way  which  the  nation  and  the  whole  world  would 
observe.  With  this  object,  the  Kaiser  sent  his 
brother,  Prince  Henry,  out  to  China  in  command 
of  a  squadron  in  December  1897.  At  a  farewell 
dinner  in  Berlin  he  addressed  him  in  a  speech  to 
the  effect  that  the  expedition  which  was  now  about 
to  start  was  "  the  logical  sequence  of  what  my 
grandfather  of  blessed  memory  and  his  great 
Chancellor  established  in  the  world  of  politics, 
and  what  our  admirable  father  gained  on  the  field 
of  battle — the  first  practical  recognition  on  the 
part    of    the    recently    united    and    reconstructed 


142  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

Empire  of  its  responsibilities  beyond  the  sea."  He 
therefore  adjured  his  brother  to  uphold  Germany's 
interests  in  such  a  way  "  that  it  may  be  clear  to 
every  European  out  there,  to  every  German  out 
there,  and,  above  all,  to  every  foreigner  on  whose 
soil  we  may  be  and  with  whom  we  may  have  to 
deal,  that  the  German  Michael  has  planted  his 
shield,  blazoned  with  the  Imperial  eagle,  firmly 
in  that  soil,  ready  to,  extend  to  each  and  all  the 
protection  they  may  require.  But  should  any  one 
attempt  to  affront  us  or  to  infringe  our  lawful 
rights,  then  do  you  strike  out  with  your  mailed 
fist  and  wreathe  round  your  young  brow  the  laurels 
which  no  one  in  the  whole  German  Empire  will 
begrudge  you." 

The  Prince  was  deeply  impressed,  and  promised 
to  set  out  "  and  proclaim  the  gospel  of  your 
Majesty's    exalted    person." 

Not  only  in  the  Far  East  of  Asia,  but  also  in 
the  West,  it  was  needful  to  strike  a  blow  for 
German  interests  and  for  the   "  Imperial  gospel." 

This  work  the  Kaiser  took  upon  his  own 
shoulders  in  October   1898. 

He  had — to  use  his  own  words — from  his  very, 
earliest  youth  felt  "  a  burning  desire  to  visit 
the  holy  places  where  our  Lord  and  Saviour 
walked  on  earth  and  accomplished  the  work  of 
redemption."  Now  an  opportunity  offered  itself 
for  the  fulfilment  of  this  desire.  On  a  site  which 
had  been  presented  to  his  father — then  Crown 
Prince  Frederick  William  of  Prussia— during  a  visit 
to  Palestine,  a  Protestant  church  had  been  built, 
in  order  that  God's  Word  should  be  preached  in 
it  according  to  the  Protestant  creed  in  the  German 


THE  END  OF   THE  FIRST  TEN   YEARS     143 

language,  and  that  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  should 
be  praised   in  the  German  tongue. 

But— as  an  official  German  jubilee  publication 
expressed  it— however  much  the  Kaiser's  journey  to 
Jerusalem  had  been  inspired  by  purely  religious 
motives,  there  was  also  a  highly  political  signifi- 
cance attaching  to  it.  In  simpler  words,  this  is 
equivalent  to  saying  that  the  main  object  of  the 
expedition  was  to  promote  commercial  intercourse 
between  Germany  and  the  Orient  through  Turkey 
by  estabHshing  a  more  definite  programme  for 
the  Bagdad  railway.  It  is  this  policy — one  of  the 
most  deliberate  results  of  German  initiative  and 
the  investment  of  German  capital  in  the  last 
generation— which  is  now  on  its  trial  in  the  Balkan 
Peninsula  and  in  Asia  Minor. 

From  an  ethical  point  of  view,  the  moment  was 
not  exactly  a  happy  one  for  a  crusade  under  the 
gracious  protection  of  the  Sultan.  Abdul  Hamid 
still  stood  branded  by  public  opinion  in  Europe 
and  America  after  the  slaughter  of  his  Armenian 
subjects  in  1896,  and  Gladstone's  terrible  name 
for  him—"  the  Murderer  on  the  Throne  " — had 
gained  new  reality  a  few  months  before  through 
the  death  of  the  great  statesman.  But  those 
friendly  relations  between  Abdul  Hamid  and 
William  II  which  had  been  first  established  in 
1889  had  lost  nothing  of  their  warmth  during 
the  nine  years  that  had  passed.  The  visit  to 
Constantinople  on  the  way  out  to  Palestine  resolved 
itself  into  something  like  a  triumph,  and  the  need- 
ful concessions  for  the  Bagdad  railway  were 
granted  under  the  most  liberal  conditions. 

In    Jerusalem    the    Kaiser    dedicated    the    new 


144  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

"  Church  of  the  Redeemer  " — as  it  was  called — 
in  a  lengthy  speech. 

"  From  Jerusalem,"  said  he,  "  came  the  Light  of 
the  world,  in  whose  lustre  our  German  nation  has 
become  great  and  glorious.  .  .  .  Just  as  nearly  two 
thousand  years  ago,  so  also  to-day  shall  there  ring 
out  from  this  spot  to  all  the  world  the  words  which 
embody  our  dearest  hopes,  '  Peace  on  earth  !  '  As 
on  this  solemn  day  I  renew  the  vow  of  my  ancestors 
now  at  rest  in  God :  '  As  for  me  and  my  house, 
we  will  serve  the  Lord,'  so  do  I  call  upon  you  to 
make  the  same  vow.  May  the  noblest  ornaments 
of  the  German  nation  always  continue  to  be  fear 
of  God,  charity,  patience  in  suffering,  and  diligence 
in  work." 

Yet  it  was  not  these  words  which  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  world. 

The  main  interest  gathered  round  his  speech  in 
Damascus  on  the  way  back  from  Palestine,  when, 
Vv'ith  a  reference  to  the  memory  of  the  great  Sultan 
Saladin — "  one  of  the  most  knightly  monarchs  of 
any  period  " — he  expressed  his  thanks  to  Abdul 
Hamid    in   the    following    words :  — 

"  Let  the  Sultan  and  the  three  hundred  millions 
of  Mohammedans  throughout  the  world  who 
honour  him  as  their  spiritual  chief  rest  assured 
that  at  all  times  the  German  Emperor  will  be 
their   friejid." 


CHAPTER    XII 

THEORY    AND    FACT 

Some  months  before  the  Imperial  speech  at 
Damascus,  which  was  such  a  typical  expression 
of  the  range  of  the  German  world  policy,  death 
had  severed  the  last  bond  which  linked  the  new 
period  with  Germany's  heroic  age.  Bismarck  had 
died  on  July  30,  1898,  an  event  which  had  been 
anticipated  for  months,  but  which,  however,  made 
an  overwhelming  impression  when  the  inexorable 
fact  was   realized. 

There  was  amongst  those  whose  verdict  had  any 
value  whatever  only  one  opinion— that  the  strife 
which  had  led  to  his  disappearance  from  public 
life  eight  years  before  had  coincided  with  a  con- 
tinued decline  in  the  power  and  influence  of 
Germany.  In  spite  of  journeys  and  speeches  in 
north  and  south,  and  official  embraces  of  various 
European  rulers  on  half  a  score  of  railway 
stations  and  quays,  in  spite  of  letters  of  congratula- 
tions and  telegrams  of  condolence,  all  testifying 
to  a  mental  ubiquity  far  beyond  the  ordinary,  it 
was  obvious  to  all  that  German  foreign  policy 
throughout  the  'nineties  was  characterized  by  a 
lamentable  want  of  skill  and  management.  "  The 
political  direction  changes  continually  in  the  most 

II  »45 


146  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

capricious  and  aimless  manner,"  said  a  German 
writer.  "  Now  it  takes  immense  pains  in  order  to 
gain  the  friendship  of  Russia  ;  now  it  pays  court 
to  England  or  France  ;  and  the  moment  after 
it  comes  to  loggerheads,  now  with  one  Power, 
now  with  another,  without  cause  and  without  con- 
ceivable object.  It  has  come  to  this,  that  Euro- 
pean politics  are  made  in  Petersburg,  London, 
Paris,  and  Vienna,  but  not  in  Berlin.  .  .  .  We 
have  lost   the   last   remnants   of  our  initiative." 

A  few  examples  illustrating  these  words,  which 
were  written  in    1897,  are  not  without  interest. 

The  Franco -Russo-German  action  with  regard 
to  Japan,  in  1895,  had  opened  the  way  for  better 
relations  between  Germany  and  France,  and  at 
one  time  it  even  looked  as  if  the  two  Powers 
would  work  together  against  British  interests  in 
North  Africa.  At  the  same  time  Germany  had 
cast  her  eyes  upon  the  Portuguese  colonies  in 
South  Africa,  with  the  object  of  thwarting  a  pos- 
sible British  attack  on  the  Boer  republics,  in  which 
event  she  could  calculate  on  the  assistance  of 
France. 

During  these  years  the  Kaiser  was  amiability 
itself  towards  France,  both  privately  and  officially  ; 
but  when  the  Meline  Ministry,  in  the  summer  of 
1898,  had  to  resign  on  the  question  of  the  revision 
of  the  Dreyfus  case,  and  a  Radical  Government 
stepped  in,  with  Delcasse  as  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  he  hastened  to  put  the  helm  over. 
It  was  idle  now  to  think  of  a  reconciliation  with 
France,  and  almost  as  impossible  to  hope  for  an 
understanding  with  England,  because,  among  other 
things,  of  the  still  unsettled  question  of  the  Samoa 


THEORY    AND   FACT  147 

Islands,  which  had  been  pending  ever  since  1889. 
In  the  autumn  of  1898  France  had  to  make  her 
well -known  withdrawal  in  the  so-called  Fashoda 
incident,  about  the  same  time  that  Lord  Kitchener 
completed  his  conquest  of  Sudan  in  the  battle  of 
Omdurman.  This  was  a  simply  overwhelming 
defeat  for  the  German  policy  of  expansion  in  North 
Africa.  But  in  a  speech  made  before  the  Waterloo 
Column  in  Hanover,  the  Kaiser  still  felt  obliged 
to  remind  his  audience  of  the  British  and  German 
fraternity  of  arms,  and>  as  an  act  of  homage  to 
the  British  Army  on  the  occasion  of  the  Omdurman 
victory,  he  called  for  a  cheer  for  his  octogenarian 
grandmother  Queen  Victoria,  Colonel-in-Chief  of 
the    I  St   Regiment   of    Prussian   Guards. 

The  following  year  the  outbreak  of  the  Boer 
War  disclosed  the  weakness  of  the  German  foreign 
policy  in  the  most  convincing  manner.  By  its 
sudden  change  of  course  with  regard  to  France 
it  had  closed  the  way  to  an  eventual  Franco-Russo- 
German  alliance,  directed  against  England,  whilst 
by  the  challenge  in  the  Kruger  telegram  it  had 
slammed  the  door  against  British  confidence  with 
a  bang  which  still  re-echoed.  At  the  same  time 
the  Kaiser  by  his  fiery  words  to  the  German 
nation  about  "  a  future  on  the  sea,"  "  Germany, 
which  has  become  a  wo  rid -empire,"  "  the  great 
decisions  which  must  no  longer  be  made  without 
Germany  and  the  German  Kaiser,"  "  the  mailed 
fist,"  "  the  crying  need  for  a  Navy,"  etc.,  in 
short  by  all  these  words  which  had  no  real  power 
behind  them,  had  created  a  feeling  within  the 
German  nation  which  was  bound  to  make  the 
Boer  War  a  simple  martyrdom  to  it.     The  Kaiser 


148  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

alone  looked  at  the  whole  thingf  in  a  different  light. 
He  closed  his  door  against  old  Kruger  and 
decorated  Lord  Roberts  with  the  Black  Eagle. 

But  it  was  not  only  with  respect  to  foreign 
policy  that  a  variable  course  was  steered.  In 
home  affairs  there  were  several  unfortunate  ex- 
amples, of  which  the  most  important  are  those 
associated  with  social  policy.  We  have  quoted 
Bismarck's  remark,  that  "  my  young  master  wishes 
to  make  every  one  happy,"  a  beautiful  sentiment 
in  youth,  and  it  was  beyond  doubt  this  feeling' 
which  from  the  first  suggested  to  him  the  idea 
of  a  policy  of  reconciliation  towards  the  Social 
Democrats.  But  the  mighty  social  development 
in  Germany  during  the  last  generation,  and  the 
circumstances  which  had  led  to  the  industrial 
awakening  about  the  middle  of  the  century,  had 
created  an  entirely  new  element  in  the  nation, 
a  social  class  with  different  conceptions  of  life 
and  different  ideals  from  those  which  dominated 
official  Germany.  The  whole  of  this  new  world 
was,  and  remained,  a  puzzle  to  him,  which  he  had 
neither  time,  patience,  or  ability  to  understand. 
He  advanced  royally  and  directly  to  claim  the 
national  confidence  in  the  ingenuous  belief  that  the 
solution  of  social  problems  was  "  as  easy  as  kiss- 
ing." At  the  first  opposition  he  lost  patience 
and  turned  round,  full  of  bitterness  and  angry 
words  about  the  ingratitude  of  the  nation.  In 
1889  he  described  every  Socialist  as  an  enemy  of 
the  Fatherland.  In  1890  he  wished  to  start  a 
policy  of  reconciliation  towards  the  working  class, 
and  assured  them  that  he  would  never  tire  of  his 
labours     in    advancing    their     material     welfare. 


THEORY   AND   FACT  149 

whether  he  received  "  thanks  or  ingratitude  "  as 
his  reward.  In  1894  his  attitude  in  principle  was 
the  same,  but  the  Labour  Party  had  in  the  past 
years  shown  such  a  decided  disinclination  to  be 
led  in  the  monarch's  patriarchal  leading-strings, 
and  displayed  so  much  independent  strength  and 
so  much  confidence  in  their  own  future,  that  the 
Kaiser  could  see  no  alternative  but  to  suggest  "  an 
extension  of  the  penal  clauses  then  in  force  for 
the  protection  of  law  and  order."  The  same  year 
in  Konigsberg  he  called  upon  his  subjects  to  fight 
for  religion,  morality,  and  order  against  the  party 
of  revolt,  and  on  the  anniversary  of  Sedan — as  we 
have  heard — he  branded  the  Socialists  yet  again. 
But  the  "Revolt  Act  "  came  to  nothing,  or,  more 
truly,  it  was  re-embodied  in  "  the  so-called  Prison 
Act."  Speaking  at  Bielefeld  in  Westphalia,  he 
hinted  at  severe  punishment  for  any  one  who  should 
dare  to  hinder  others  in  carrying  out  their  work, 
and  in  Oeynhausen  —  also  in  .Westphalia  —  he 
announced,  the  following  year,  that  the  alterations 
in  the  law  were  now  nearly  completed,  and  they 
would  be  laid  before  the  Reichstag  during  the 
current  year.  According  to  this  proposal  every 
German — without  respect  of  persons — who  tried  to 
hinder  a  willing  worker  in  work,  or  even  recom- 
mended him  to  strike,  "  would  be  punished  with 
imprisonment."  But  even  as  late  as  1899  this 
Bill  was  still  incomplete.  In  1900  the  Kaiser 
suddenly  turned  round,  and  with  an  incompre- 
.hensible  disregard  of  the  fact  that  the  Social 
Democratic  vote  in  the  Reichstag  election  had 
risen  from  1,400,000  in  1890  to  2,108,000  in 
1898,  while  at  the  same  time  the  number  of  their 


ISO  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

representatives  had  increased  from  35  to  56,  he 
declared  that  Social  Democracy  is  only  a  "  pass- 
ing phenomenon  ;  it  will  burn  itself  out."  But 
in  the  following  year  he  thundered  against  it  afresh 
— especially  in  Essen  and  Breslau — with  unusual 
strength  of  feeling,  and  a  no  less  pronounced 
bitterness  and  violence  in  word.  "  Base  and  vile 
deeds  "  ;  "  unprincipled  agitators  who  exploit 
and  terrorize  the  masses";  "impudent  lies"; 
'*  attacks  upon  the  altar  and  the  Throne  "  are 
some  of  the  expressions  which  abound  in  these 
speeches,  which  are  among  the  most  violent  he 
has  made.  It  is  only  fair  to  state  that  during, 
the  'nineties  the  Conservative  as  well  as  the 
National  Liberal  Party  constantly  recommended 
him  to  make  an  end  of  the  Social  Democralts 
by  a  coup  d'et,at,  and  that  a  man  of  such  high 
standing  as  Professor  Delbriick  gave  this  idea 
his  most  unqualified  approval  as  late  as  1895,  in 
an  article  in  the  Preussische  J ahrhiicher .  "It  is 
necessary,"  he  writes,  "  that  a  feeling  should  be 
aroused  among  all  classes  of  the  papulation  that 
Social  Democracy  is  a  poisonous  influence,  which 
can  only  be  checked  by  the  strongest  and  most 
united  resistance,"  and  it  is  an  established  fact  that 
millions  of  people  in  Germany  thought  and  felt 
as  did  this  authority.  It  is  therefore  psychologi- 
cally and  politically  comprehensible  that  this  advice 
stimulated  the  Kaiser,  developed  his  plans,  and 
gave  force  to  his  expressions.  But  it  is  equally 
undeniable  that  old  Professor  Mommsen — the  gifted 
historian  of  Rome — was  right  when  he  protested 
against  this  conception  in  the  unprejudiced  words  : 
"  An  end  must  be  made  of  the  superstition,  which 


THEORY  AND   FACT  151 

is  just  as  false  as  it  is  foolish,  that  the  nation  is 
divided  into  a  law-abiding  party  on  one  side  and 
a  revolutionary  party  on  the  other,  and  that  it 
is  the  greatest  duty  of  the  citizens  of  the  first- 
mentioned  category  to  shun  the  Labour  Party  as 
if  it  were  in  quarantine  for  the  plague,  and 
to  attack  it  as  if  it  were  an  enemy  of  the 
State." 

But  it  was  not  only  the  home  and  foreign  policy 
which  showed  signs  Oif  instability.  Even  the 
management  of  the  Army,  the  branch  of  adminis- 
tration where  one  would  least  have  expected  it, 
swayed  in  the  Imperial  gusts  of  reform.  The 
Kaiser  entered  upon  his  Teign  with  the  declaTatio-n 
which  we  have  already  quoted,  that  he  regarded 
himself  as  one  with  the  Army,  and  for  years  he 
was  never  tired  of  emphasizing  the  fact  that  he 
looked  upon  the  Army  as  the  rocher  de  bronze  on 
which  the  Empire  rested.  The  important  Acts 
carried  during  his  reign — one  concerning  a  "  two- 
years'  service,"  the  other  a  reform  of  the  military, 
penal  law — show  that  he  had  grasped  the  import- 
ance of  making  the  Army  popular  in  the  best 
sense  of  the  word.  His  noted  rescript  of  1890 
points  in  the  sam'e  direction.  In  this  rescript  he 
took  up  arms  against  the  number  of  exaggerateid 
social  demands  to  which  the  officers  of  the  Army 
were  subjected,  and  which  practically  barred  the 
way  to  important  and  responsible  military  posi- 
tions for  any  but  rich  men.  He  emphasized  that 
it  was  more  necessary  than  ever  before  to  develop 
strength  of  character  among  officers,  and  to  teach 
them  to  practise  proper  self-denial.  This  could 
only  be  done  by  restricting  all  the   luxury  which 


152  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

had  crept  into  the  Army— the  costly  gift?,  the 
too  frequent  garrison  banquets,  the  exaggeration 
of  private  hospitality,  etc. — to  put  it  shortly,  all 
that  extravagance  which  only  led  to  the  creation 
of  a  class  of  officers  involved  in  debt,  with  a 
diminished  interest  in  their  profession  and  lessened 
power  of  work.  "  The  moneylender  tightens  his 
grip  upon  the  uniformed  victims,  pursues  them 
through  despairing  nights  and  days  until  they  can 
see  no  alternative  but  the  revolver,  having  tried 
the  roulette-board  in  vain." 

The  Kaiser  noticed  all  this,  and  repeatedly  ex- 
pressed his  disapproval  of  games  of  chance,  which 
had  so  often  given  rise  to  sensational  scandails 
among  officers.  But  he  did  not  hit  upon  a  single 
positive  means  of  bringing  about  a  change  in 
conditions,  by  removing  any  of  the  outward  or 
inward  causes  of  this  lamentable  state  of  things. 
On  the  contrary,  by  a  strange  lack  of  reasoning 
power,  he  contributed  to  their  increase.  By  con- 
stantly hammering  into  the  public  mind  that  officers 
and  the  Army  were  something  of  a  State  within 
the  State,  enjoying  greater  honours  and  rights 
and  social  privileges  than  the  ordinary  citizen, 
he  encouraged  those  very  class  divisions  which 
he  wished  to  counteract,  and  led  his  officers  into 
a  wrong  conception  of  their  social  importance, 
which  received  the  strongest  condemnation  even 
from  the  officers  themselves.  It  should  be  observed 
that  the  Imperial  rescript  of  1890  has  never  been 
more  than  words.  As  late  as  in  1903,  thirteen 
years  after  it  was  issued  amidst  general  sympathy 
from  the  whole  nation,  a  German  officer  of  high 
rank  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  German  Army 


THEORY  AND   FACT  153 

was  "  on  th'e  way  to  Capua,"  and  in  Beyerlein's 
novel,  "  Jena  or  Sedan?  "  social  and  economic 
conditions  inside  the  German  Army  about  the  be- 
ginning of  the  new  century  are  exposed  with  a 
minuteness  which  will  always  constitute  a  severe 
charge  against   "  the   Supreme   War-Lord." 

.With  his  passion  for  everything  concerning  drill, 
parades,  and  manoeuvres,  and  his  almost  abnormal 
memory  for  all  sorts  of  military  anniversaries, 
he  kept  his  Army  at  work,  in  a  way  which  has 
no  parallel  in  any  country.  It  was  good  in  one 
respect,  but  it  inevitably  interfered  with  working 
hours — and  not  least,  it  created  increasing  ex- 
penses for  the  officers,  who  were  obliged  to 
take  part  in  endless  breakfasts  and  dinners  in 
honour  of  the  Kaiser  and  the  commemoration  of 
battles  and  great  slaughters,  for  which  he  searched 
the  records  through  the  centuries,  in  every  part  of 
his  great  Empire. 

The  constant  changes  in  uniform  and  equi'pl- 
ment  were  a  source  of  a  smaller  grievance  to  the 
officers.  There  were  not  only  alterations  in 
materials  and  garments,  but  also  in  less  important 
things — ^braids  and  cords,  aiguillettes  and  tassels. 
During  the  years  1894-6  the  scarf  on  the  First 
Prussian  Guards  was  introduced,  condemned,  intro- 
duced again,  and  then  abolished  for  good.  "  The 
history  of  that  scarf,"  says  a  German  writer,  "  can 
be  regarded  as  symbolic  of  the  nervous  anxiety  of 
our  time  to  reach  speedy  results  without  any  fair 
inquiry  as  to  how  much  will  be  gained  by  them." 
Seven  years  later  a  senior  officer,  writing  in  one 
of  the  best  Conservative  organs  in  Prussia,  calcu- 
lated that  during  the  years  1888- 1903,  or,  in  other 


154  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

words,  during  the  sixteen  years  in  which  WilHani 
II  had  been  the  "Supreme  War-Lord,"  thirty 
important  changes  of  uniform  as  well  as  innumer- 
able smaller  ones  had  been  made,  and  that  at  the 
most  five  of  them  could  be  described  as  necessary 
from  the  military  point  of  view. 

With  respect  to  the  advantages  of  the  innumer- 
able Imperial  manoeuvres  which  have  occupied  such 
a  large  place  in  the  history  of  the  German  Army 
during  the  last  generation — the  record  in  1903 
was  five  in  the  course  of  one  week,  all  of  which 
were  described  as  complete — opinions  also  differed 
in  competent  circles.  Authorities  on  whose  judg- 
ment the  greatest  reliance  is  felt  in  Germany  have 
characterized  them  as  "  competitive  performances 
resembling  sports  "  ;  and  as  to  the  "  imposing 
cavalry  charges  "  which  were  among  the  most 
effective  items  in  these  manoeuvres,  it  has  been 
prophesied  long  ago  that  the  German  nation,  in 
case  of  war,  would  have  to  pay  terribly  dearly  for 
them.  It  will  be  the  work  of  future  historians  of 
the  present  war  to  decide  how  far  and  to  what 
extent  this  prophecy  has  been  fulfilled.  We  only 
mention  it  as  proof  that  the  dramatic  element 
which  the  Kaiser,  in  accordance  with  his  nature, 
has  tried  to  introduce  into  the  very  training  of 
the  Army  has  been  far  from  obtaining  unanimous 
approval. 

A  still  more  doubtful  advantage  of  these 
manoeuvres  was  that  they  were  brought  into  the 
service  of  the  Imperial  cult  at  the  cost  of  the 
Fatherland.  It  was  a  matter  which  had  awakened 
concern  among  many  of  the  best  friends  of  the 
defence.      They  were  not  able   to   see   the   logical 


THEORY  AND   FACT  I55 

connection  between  sham-fights,  children  excused 
from  school,  and  the  whole  wearisome  parade  of 
white -clad  maidens,  garlands,  triumphal  arches,  and 
magnates    bowing    to    the    ground. 

For  the  Kaiser  himself  it  had  always  been  of  the 
very  greatest  importance  to  impress  the  masses, 
to  show  them  the  dazzling  spectacle  of  an  Army 
whose  technical  training  was  beyond  all  praise, 
and  strengthen  them  in  the  belief  of  that  Army's 
invincibility.  In  dealing  with  the  Army  itself  he 
set  himself  the  double  task  of  instilling  the  value 
of  tradition  and  the  fear  of  God.  To  his  land 
forces  he  addressed  the  same  patriarchal  type  of 
language  as  he  did  towards  his  sailors — w^ords  full 
of  a  "  romantic  mysticism  which  stands  in  a  strange 
and  inexplicable  contrast  to  those  modern  views 
of  which  the  Kaiser  is  also  an  exponent,"  to  quote 
a  German  author.  An  expression  which  is 
frequently  on  his  lips  is  that  the  Christian  faith 
and  the  military  qualities  are  organically  connected. 
"He  who  is  not  a  good  Christian  is  not  a  good 
man,  nor  is  he  a  Prussian  soldier,  and  under  no 
circumstances  can  he  perform  what  is  required 
of  a    soldier    in    the    Prussian   Army." 

Japan's  victory  over  Russia  in  1904-5  gave  a 
severe  shock  to  the  Imperial  theory  on  the 
superiority  of  Christian  soldiers.  He  perceived 
the  need  of  an  explanation.  "  We  must  not  con- 
clude from  the  Japanese  victory,"  he  said,  "  the 
victory  of  a  pagan  people  over  a  Christian  people, 
that  Buddha  is  superior  to  Christ.  When  Russia 
was  beaten  in  the  war  with  Japan,  her  defeat 
was  mainly  due  to  the  fact  that  Christianity  in 
Russia  is  at  a  sadly  low  level,  while  the  Japanese 


156  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

possess  m'2iny  Christian  virtues."  It  caused  him 
anxiety,  however,  lest  Christianity  in  the  German 
nation  was  also  in  a  bad  way,  and  he  doubted 
whether  "  we  Germans,  in  case  of  war,  would 
be   justified    in   praying   to    God   for   victory." 


CHAPTER    XIII 

THE   TRIUMPH    OF   C^SARISM 

Against  this  background  of  political  and  military- 
variableness  there  stands  out  with  dramatic  effect 
the  expedition  which  was  sent  out  to  China  during 
the  summer  and  autumn  of  1900  to  join  in  the 
suppression  of  the  so-called  "  Boxer  riots."  These 
"  riots,"  which  have  been  so  admirably  described 
by  Mr.  Putnam  West  in  his  "  Indiscreet  Letters 
from  Peking,"  were,  in  fact,  a  justifiable  outburst  of 
indignation  and  shame  on  the  part  of  official  China 
at  all  the  humiliations  to  which  the  Empire  for 
years  past  had  been  subjected  by  foreign  countries. 
Through  a  wisely  managed  agitation,  the  wires  of 
which  were  gathered  together  in  the  hand  of  the 
crafty  and  energetic  Dowager  Empress  Tsu-Hsi, 
who  with  considerable  justice  has  been  called 
"  China's  Catherine  II,"  the  "  Boxer  riots  "  had 
already  begun  to  make  headway  in  1899.  In 
January  1900  the  Ambassadors  of  the  Powers  in 
Peking  began  to  notice  the  movement,  whose 
strongly  marked  anti-reform  and  anti-foreign 
character  was  more  and  more  noticeable  every 
day.  Two  secret  societies,  with  the  unpleasant 
names    of    "  The    Red    Fist  "    and    "  The    Great 

Knife,"  felt  themselves,  for  some  reason  or  other, 

157 


158  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

particularly  embittered  at  the  German  annexation 
of  Kiau-Chau,  and  also  behaved  in  such  a  threaten- 
ing manner  that  the  Powers'  Ambassadors  de- 
manded that  the  two  societies  should  be  suppressed 
as  "  dangerous  to  the  State  and  unfriendly  to 
foreigners,"  and  that  their  members  should  be 
punished.  The  demand  occasioned  prolonged  but 
naturally  quite  fruitless  negotiations  with  the 
Chinese  Government,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
movement  grew  at  a  furious  pace.  In  the  early 
part  of  the  summer  the  Dowager  Empress  and 
her  advisers  let  the  mask  fall,  and  the  position 
now  became  so  critical  that  the  Powers,  out  of 
regard  for  their  Ambassadors'  personal  safety, 
found  it  necessary  to  send  out  a  relief  expedition 
to  Peking.  From  June  12th  to  August  14th  the 
Foreign  Embassies,  which  were  situated  in  a 
separate  part  of  the  capital,  were  subjected  to 
a  regular  siege,  the  most  dramatic  event  in  which 
was  the  murder  of  the  German  Ambassador  in 
Peking,  Freiherr  von  Ketteler. 

These  events,  which  w^ere  not  only  "  a  political 
crime  but  also  a  political  blunder,"  and  which 
were  condemned  by  unprejudiced  and  enlightened 
Chinese,'  naturally  made  a  great  sensation  through- 
out the  world.  But  also,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
the  responsible  politicians  of  Europe  felt  they  must 
meet  them  calmly,  and  that  nothing  would  be 
gained  by  magnifying  the  affair  to  enormous 
dimensions.  But  it  was  just  in  this  perspective 
that  William  II   saw  it. 

'  In  the  first  rank  of  these  was  the  famous  Juan  Shi  Kai,  who 
expressed  his  strong  disapproval  of  this  poHcy  from  the  first, 
and  by  this  means  opened  the  way  for  his  future  career. 


THE   TRIUMPH    OF   C/ESARISM         159 

Four  years  before,  during  one  of  his  Norwegian 
journeys,  he  had  made  the  first  sketch  of  the 
well-known  drawing  which  was  later  reproduced 
as  a  painting  by  Professor  Knackfuss,  in  illustra- 
tion of   the   so-called   "  Yellow   Peril," 

In  the  Diary  for  August  5,  1896,  this  work  of 
art  is  thus  described.  :  "  [His  Majesty]  has  brought 
with  him  from  his  Northland  journey  a  sketch 
for  a  new  picture.  It  portrays  the  arts  and  indus- 
tries under  the  protection  of  the  Army,  Beneath 
a  Gothic  arch  stand  ideal  female  forms  repre- 
senting Art  and  Industry,  A  threatening  cloud 
is  coming  up  towards  them.  Fearful  hostile  forms 
emerge  from  it,  A  Teuton  warrior  advances  to 
meet  the  fearful  forms," 

As  a  title  to  the  drawing  he  had  put  the  words  : 
"  Nations  of  Europe,  defend  your  most  holy 
treasures."  But  the  nations  of  Europe  had  laughed 
at  it  all.  It  was  a  new  edition  of  Cassandra's 
tragic  fate — the  god-inspired  prophetess,  at  whom 
an  incredulous  generation  shook  their  heads  : — 

Und  sie  schelten  meinen  Klageii, 
Und  sie  hohnen  meinen  Schmerz. 

Einsam  in  die  Wiiste  tragen 
Muss  ich  mein  gequaltes  Herz.' 

But  they  were  determined  to  have  their  own  way  ! 
And  now  all  this  awful  horror  had  burst  upon 
unsuspecting  mankind — "  that  which  I  endeavoured 
to  point  out  to  the  world,  four  years  ago,  in 
my  drawing,  '  Nations  of  Europe,  defend  your 
most  holy  treasures  ' — because  words  are  so  easily 
forgotten.     But  my  warnings  were  unheeded.    .    .   , 

'  From  Schiller's  "  Cassandra." 


i6o  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

This  may  prove  the  beginning  of  a  war  between 
East  and  West." 

In  this  state  of  mind  it  becomes  evident  that 
words  the  importance  of  which  he  had  never 
grasped  now  lost  all  their  meaning  for  him,  and 
that  he  worked  himself  up  into  an  outburst  of 
hate  and  fanaticism,  which  produced  a  most  pain- 
ful impression,  not  least  upon  his  own  people. 
"  The  Chinese  have  overthrown  the  law  of  nations  ; 
they  have,  in  a  way  w^hich  has  no  parallel  in  the 
history  of  the  world,  disregarded  the  sacred  persons 
of  Ambassadors.  It  is  a  crime  the  more  revolt- 
ing because  it  is  committed  by  a  nation  which 
prides   itself   on   its  old  civilization. 

"  You  now  go  forth  to  fight  against  a  well- 
armed  and  cruel  enemy.  When  you  come  into 
contact  with  the  enemy,  strike  him  down.  Quarter 
is  not  to  be  given.  Prisoners  are  not  to  be  made. 
Whoever  falls  into  your  hands  will  be  at  your 
mercy  I  Just  as  a  thousand  years  ago  the  Huns, 
under  the  leadership  of  Attila,  gained  a  reputa- 
tion, by  which  they  still  live  in  historical  tradition, 
so  may  the  German  name  be  known  in  such  a 
fashion  in  China  that  no  Chinaman  will  ever  again 
dare  to  look  askance  at  a  German.  The  blessing  of 
the  Lord  be  upon  you  !  The  prayers  of  the  whole 
nation  and  my  earnest  wishes  accompany  each 
of  you.     Open  the  path  for  culture,  once  for  all."  ' 

Immediately  afterwards  the   Emperor  of  China 

"  From  the  speech  at  Bremenhafen  (July  27,  1900).  The 
violent  expressions  in  it  made  several  amendments  necessary, 
in  which  more  especially  "the  Hun  passage"  was  eliminated. 
Therefore  it  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  revised  Reclam  Universal- 
bibliothek  edition  of  the  Imperial  speeches. 


THE   TRIUMPH    OF   C^SARISM  i6i 

in  a  telegram  expressed  to  the  Kaiser  his  deep 
regret  for  the  murder  of  von  Ketteler,  promised 
to  punish  his  murderers,  and  requested  the  Kaiser 
to  take  the  lead  in  the  work  of  restoring  peaceful 
relations.  The  request  was  rejected  by  Chancellor 
von  Billow,  who  declared  to  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment that  the  telegram  could  not  be  laid  before 
the  Kaiser  until  satisfactory  information  regard- 
ing the  fate  of  the  remaining  Europeans  in  Peking 
was  produced,  and  until  the  murder  of  the  German 
Ambassador  had  been  expiated  in  accordance  with 
the  demands  of  international  law  and  civilization, 
and  in  a  way  which  should  guarantee  that  what 
had  happened   could  not   happen  again. 

From  this  it  was  obvious  that  the  Boxer  riots 
had  already  lost  their  force,  although  the  siege 
of  the  ambassadorial  quarter  in  Peking  had  not 
yet  been  raised  ;  but  for  the  Kaiser  the  whole 
affair  still  wore  the  fantastic  guise  of  "  the  Yellow 
Peril,"  which  could  not  be  subdued  without  an 
alliance  between  all  the  powers  of  heaven  and  earth. 

On  the  last  Sunday  in  July  he  held  a  Seepre- 
dicht  I  on  board  the  Hohenzolleni — without  doubt 
the  best-known  sermon  he  has  ever  given.  As 
a  text  he  took  Exodus  xvii.  1 1  :  "  And  it  came 
to  pass  when  Moses  held  up  his  hand  that  Israel 
prevailed,  and  when  he  let  down  his  hand  Amalek 
prevailed,"  ".Who  is  there  who  does  not  grasp 
the  meaning  of  these  words  to-day?  "  said  the 
Kaiser,  after  having  described  the  scene  when 
Moses,  Aaron,  and  Hur  ascended  the  mountain 
whilst  the  battle  was  raging  at  its  foot.  "  The 
pagan   spirit   of   the   Amalekites   has   arisen   again 

»  Naval  sermon. 
12 


i62  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

in  the  Far  East.  With  strength  and  cunning, 
with  fire  and  sword,  men  wish  to  thwart 
European  commerce  and  European  intelligence,  to 
bar  the  way  for  Christian  morality  and  the 
Christian  faith.  Again  God's  message  rings  out 
to  us  :  '  Choose  us  out  men  and  go  out  and 
fight  against  Amalek.'  A  bloody  struggle  has 
begun — many  of  our  brothers  are  already  under 
fire,  many  others  on  their  way  towards  the  hostile 
coast.  .  .  .  But  you  who  are  obliged  to  remain 
behind  in  the  home,  to  which  you  are  bound  by 
other  sacred  duties — do  you  hear  God's  call  which 
goes  out  to  you  and  which  says  to  you  :  '  Go  up 
on  to  the  rock,  lift  your  hands  towards  heaven  '? 
The  prayer  of  the  righteous  has  much  power,  when 
it  is  sincere.  We  must  not  only  mobilize  battalions 
of  warriors,  but  also  a  holy  militant  force  of  those 
who  pray." 

After  a  long  exposition  on  the  power  of  prayer 
"  which  still  to-day  can  hurl  the  banner  of  the 
dragon  into  the  dust  and  plant  the  banner  of 
the  Cross  upon  the  wall,"  he  concluded  thus  : 
"  Some  day  history  will  describe  the  struggles  of 
these  times.  But  man  sees  only  what  is  before 
his  eyes  ;  he  can  only  say  what  the  wisdom  of  his 
leaders,  the  courage  of  his  troops,  the  sharpness 
of  his  weapons  have  accomplished.  But  one  day 
eternity  will  show  .  .  .  how  the  secret  prayers 
of  the  faithful  were  a  mighty  power  in  the 
strife." 

The  following  week  saw  the  appointment  of  the 
new  Joshua  who  was  to  lead  the  way  in  conflict 
with  the  Amalekites,  whilst  Israel  knelt  in  prayer 
at  hgm^,     The  choice  fell  upon  Coimt  Waldersee 


THE   TRIUMPH    OF   C^SARISM         163 

— a  iman  twlio  was  remarkably  suited  to  the  dramatic 
part  now  allotted  to  him  on  the  stage  of  the  world  ; 
but  the  selection  was  made  on  purely  personal 
grounds,  and  he  himself  afforded  a  sharp  contrast 
to  that  Crusade-like  character  with  which  official 
authority  tried  to  surround  the  expedition.  Count 
Waldersee — as  we  have  mentioned  in  an  earlier 
chapter — had  displayed  notable  qualities  as  an 
intriguer  and  courtier  during  the  very  first  months 
of  the  Kaiser's  reign,  when  the  preparations  for 
undermining  Bismarck  were  already  in  full  swing. 
"  A  capital  fox  face,"  was  Bismarck's  short  and 
pithy  description  of  him.  "  When  he  comes  to 
visit  me,  I  have  a  distinct  feeling  that  he  is  trying 
to  find  out  ,  .  .  if  it  will  soon  be  time  to  order  a 
wreath  for  me."  By  his  marriage  with  an  aunt 
of  the  Empress  he  had  early  secured  for  him- 
self "  a  place  in  the  sun,"  but  his  indifferent 
military  abilities  had  not,  however,  been  able  to 
maintain  him  there,  and  several  times  he  had 
suffered  reverses  at  the  hands  of  Fate,  from  which 
a  man  with  such  connections  ought  to  have  been 
exempt.  Now  he  had  been  waiting  for  many  years 
for  a  great  war  which  should  give  him  the  oppor- 
tunity of  displaying  those  qualities  in  the  field 
which  he,  at  any  rate — and  probably  the  Kaiser 
also — thought  he  was  endowed  with.  At  last  a 
war  came — not  exactly  as  he  had  expected  it — 
but  still  in  an  extraordinary  form,  "  a  collective 
action  on  the  part  of  the  Powers,"  as  it  was  called 
in  diplomatic  language,  an  enterprise  fraught  with 
incalculable  results — the  East  against  the  West, 
according  to  the  Kaiser's  opinion. 

Therefore  he,  too,  had  his  great  day,  when  on 


i64  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

August  1 8,  1900,  the  Kaiser  bade  farewell  to  his 
'*  tried  Field-Marshal  " — an  amiable  figure  of 
speech  which  must  not  be  taken  too  literally, 
considering  this  was  the  first  time  he  had  obtained 
active  command  in  the  field.  The  Kaiser  reminded 
his  officers  that  Waldersee,  with  the  Powers'  con- 
sent, was  appointed  as  chief  of  "  the  united  forces 
of  the  civilized  world,"  and  particularly  insisted 
that  the  idea  of  this  appointment  had  emanated 
from  "  his  Majesty  the  Tsar  of  all  the  Russias, 
whose  power  was  felt  even  in  the  depths  of  Asia." 
It  rather  detracted  from  the  compliment  that  this 
statement  was  immediately  met  by  a  protest  from 
the  Russian  Government,  which  assured  Germany 
and  the  world  that  Count  Waldersee  had  been 
proposed  by  the  Kaiser,  and  that  Russia  and 
England  had  agreed  to  the  arrangement  in  the 
absence  of  a  better  one,  and  also  because  they 
wished  to  show  a  fitting  consideration  towards 
Germany  as  the  State  whose  Ambassador  had  been 
murdered  and  which  had  therefore  suffered  the 
greatest  indignity  from  China.  The  question  was 
unimportant  from  a  military  point  of  view,  and 
is  only  interesting  as  a  link  in  the  whole  of  the 
dubious  arrangement,  in  which  Germany  was 
allowed  to  play  the  leading  part.  The  fact  was 
that  Count  Waldersee's  effectiveness  was  com- 
pletely neutralized  by  his  "  subordinates,"  generals 
of  various  nationalities,  who  very  quickly  saw 
through  him  and  made  merry  over  his  incapacity. 
Besides,  it  was  the  diplomatists  who  had  most  to 
say  during  this  remarkable  "  war,"  which  was, 
in  fact,  over  before  Count  Waldersee  reached 
China. 


THE   TRIUMPH   OF  C^SARISM        165 

The  Emperor  of  China  asked  for  forgiveness 
in  a  fresh  telegram,  and  now  the  Kaiser  also  was 
in  favour  of  peace.  The  stage  thunder  was  over, 
the  only  thing  now  needed  was  an  impressive  con- 
cluding tableau.  It  was  arranged  in  the  form 
of  a  "  Penance  Mission,"  which  was  sent  to 
Berlin,  under  the  leadership  of  Prince  Chun,  to 
ask  the  Kaiser's  pardon.  "  The  Penance  Mission," 
the  arrival  of  which  was  one  of  the  greatest  sensa- 
tions of  the  year  1901,  performed  its  task  in  a 
manner  which,  under  the  circumstances,  must  be 
said  to  be  irreproachable.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  was  unavoidable  that  the  nation  was  rather 
sceptical  about  the  propriety  of  arranging  such 
a  spectacle  as  that  of  a  pigtailed  Chinese  prince 
being  sent  expressly  from  Pekin  to  Berlin  in 
order  to  be  conveyed  in  a  stage  coach  to  the 
palace,  and  there  ask  for  forgiveness,  listen  to  a 
severe  lecture,  and  immediately  afterwards  be  taken 
into  favour  and  made  welcome.  On  the  whole, 
this  Chinese  expedition,  with  Count  Waldersee  and 
Prince  Chun  as  its  two  principal  figures,  is  one 
of  the  chapters  in  the  recent  history  of  Germany 
to  which  the  nation  felt  itself  least  attracted. 
Nor  did  this  feeling  only  arise  at  a  later  period — 
when  the  facts  began  to  be  seen  against  the  back- 
ground of  history.  During  the  affair  the  great 
majority  of  the  German  Press  were  unanimously 
agreed  that  revenge  and  civilization  were  two  ideas 
so  diametrically  opposed  that  they  could  not  be 
mentioned  in  the  same  breath  ;  and  when  the 
Minister  of  War,  Herr  von  Gossler,  in  defence  of 
the  Kaiser's  utterances,  and  naturally  with  his 
knowledge,  made  the  notorious  observation,  "  What 


i66  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

our  forces  are  doing  in  China  now  is  only  in 
revenge  for  what  the  Huns  did  among  us  for 
centuries,"  there  was  a  general  feeling  in  the 
nation  at  large,  as  well  as  in  the  Reichstag, 
that — to  use  a  moderate  expression — a  more 
untenable  argument  could  not  well  be  pro- 
duced. 

The  nation  bore  no  ill  will  whatever  towards 
the  Chinese,  partly  for  the  very  simple  reason 
that  the  Huns  mentioned  in  the  German 
"  Niebelungenlied,"  with  the  legendary  King  Etzel 
as  their  leader,  have  nothing  in  the  world  to  do 
with  the  Huns  who  appeared  under  Attila  at  the 
period  of  the  great  migrations.  It  was  a  historical 
error  of  unusual  dimensions,  created  by  super- 
ficial knowledge,  heated  imagination,  and  anti- 
quated notions  of  honour.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
it  is  easily  explicable  just  at  this  time,  when  the 
Kaiser  lived  more  than  ever  in  a  historical  atmo- 
sphere peopled  with  monuments,  whilst  his  armies 
made  Germany's  name  and  his  own,  things  of  fear 
in   the   Far  East. 

In  the  autumn  of  1900  he  laid  the  foundation- 
stone  of  the  so-called  Reichs-Limes-Museum  at 
Saalburg,  in  the  province  of  Hesse-Nassau.  Here 
in  ancient  times  was  a  Roman  citadel,  fallen  into 
ruins  long  ago.  The  spirit  of  Csesar  came  upon 
him  ;  legions  arose  from  his  speech.  "  Here  on 
this  lovely  eminence  by  the  Taunus  the  old  Roman 
castle  rises  again  from  its  ashes  like  a  Phoenix — 
a  testimony  to  the  power  of  Rome,  a  link  in  the 
mighty  iron  chain  which  the  Roman  legions  laid 
round  their  vast  Empire,  while  at  the  command 
of  a  single  Emperor,  Csesar  Augustus,  they  forced 


THE   TRIUMPH   OF   C^SARISM        167 

the  will  of  Rome  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth, 
and  opened  the  whole  world  to  Roman  civiliza- 
tion, which  descended  in  blessing  upon  it,  and  most 
of  all  upon   Germany." 

These  were  telling  words  at  the  moment,  but, 
unfortunately,  quite  at  variance  with  the  state- 
ments of  Tacitus.  As  is  known,  the  tribes  of 
ancient  Germania  never  came  under  the  sway  of 
Roman  culture,  fortunately  for  the  world,  which 
needed  this  human  element  as  an  independent  link 
in  the  work  of  civilization. 

But  the  Kaiser  preferred  his  own  history,  which 
he  composed  at  the  moment  from  fragmentary 
recollections,  linked  together  by  the  events  of  the 
day.  In  this  way  he  was  always  able  to  obtain 
the  picture  he  wanted  at  the  time.  He  bridged 
the  gulf  which  separates  antiquity  from  the  present  : 
the  "  Niebelungenlied  "  and  the  Scandinavian 
sagas  from  the  latest  articles  in  the  Norddeufsche 
allgemeine  Zeitung.  Nor  was  this  all.  He  made 
history  rise  again  in  fancy  dress,  as  on  this  occa- 
sion, when  at  his  command  an  antique  pageant 
rose  to  view — toga-clad  Romans,  generals  and 
priests,  boys  crowned  with  garlands,  swinging 
censers  and  singing  Salve  Itnperator;  Teuton  chief- 
tains clothed  in  skins  with  gaping  jaws  of  beasts 
to  decorate  their  helmets,  armed  with  javelins  and 
snow-white  shields — all  to  the  honour  of  the  great 
Csesar  who  forced  his  culture  upon  the  world. 

He  dedicated  the  museum  with  three  strokes  on 
a  stone — the  first  in  memory  of  his  father,  the 
second  "  to  the  honour  of  German  youth — the  rising 
generation  who  will  learn  in  this  museum  the 
meaning  of  a  world-empire."     The  third  blow  he 


i68  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

dedicated  to  Germany's  future — the  united  work 
of  princes  and  people,  the  Army  and  the  citizens, 
that  it  may  be  as  powerful,  as  firm,  as  united, 
as  commanding  as  any  in  the  past,  and  that, 
as  in  olden  times  it  was  said  Civls  Romanus  sum,^ 
so  in  the  future  it  may  be  said,  "  I  am  a  German 
citizen." 

Some  months  later,  on  January  i8,  1901,  there 
came  an  opportunity  of  celebrating  a  new  jubilee. 
Two  hundred  years  had  just  passed  since  the 
Elector  Frederick  of  Brandenburg  obtained  per- 
mission from  the  German-Roman  Emperor  of  that 
time  to  call  himself  King  of  Prussia.  It  was  a 
Hohenzollern  family  concern,  which  to  some  extent 
affected  .Prussia,  and  only  in  a  very  limited  sense 
the  German  nation.  But  again  the  unity  and 
greatness  of  the  Fatherland  could  be  proclaimed 
with  jubilation,  again  the  wonderful  mission  of 
the  monarchy  to  the  nation  could  be  exalted, 
the  reconstruction  of  the  Empire,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  "  William  the  Great,"  A  Hohenzollern 
week  was  arranged  at  the  Court  Theatre,  where 
plays,  with  the  history  of  the  Hohenzollerns  for 
their  leading  idea,  were  performed  seven  days  con- 
secutively. Royalty  played  leapfrog  boldly  over 
all  facts.  Kings  appeared,  not  only  the  two  who 
had  been  sufficiently  glorified  already — Frederick  II 
and  William  I — but  also  the  first  Frederick  and 
the  two  or  three  Frederick  Williams — nonentities 
who  have  long  been  mere  names  in  the  book 
of  history,  but  who,  during  their  lives,  had 
all  been  more  or  less  imbued  with  the  dream  of 
Cassarism. 

'  I  am  a  Roman  citizen. 


THE  TRIUMPH   OF  C/ESARISM        169 

It  was  no  wonder^  therefore,  that  the  best  and 
soundest  wits  rebelled,  and  that  a  writer  in  the 
Ziikiinft  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in  a  lengthy- 
article  filled  with  such  questions  as  these  : 
"  Heavens  !  What  is  the  reason  for  having  a 
jubilee  again  now?  What  is  there  when  we  look 
at  history  between  1688  and  1888?  What  has 
Prussia  produced?  Frederick — William — Bismarck," 
and  the  latter  not  even  a  Hohenzollern.  But,  like 
Frederick  II,  a  man  with  courage  and  power  to 
create  history.  William  I,  with  his  hereditary 
Prussian  obstinacy,  strove  against  him,  and  only 
step  by  step  did  he  consent  to  take  his  part  in 
the  whole  as  the  final  link  which  completed  the 
evolution. 

That  is  history — strong  and  true,  just  and  merci- 
less, showing  no  respect  of  persons — even  as  it 
ought  to  be  told.  But  William  II  has  one  measure 
for  princes,  even  the  most  ordinary,  and  another 
for  the  rest  of  mankind,  even  the  most  remark- 
able. Therefore — to  mention  a  characteristic 
example — he  always  has  been  opposed  to  Bismarck 
having  an  equestrian  statue,  on  the  grounds  that 
equestrian  statues  are  only  for  persons  of  royal 
descent. 

Naturally  1  The  "  leaders  "  of  the  people  must 
be  mounted  on  horseback  all  down  the  ages  high 
above  the  whole  crowd  of  pedestrians.  These  latter 
must  be  content  to  tramp  on  in  confidence,  making 
no  remark.  The  nation  must  suffer  and  endure  in 
evil  days,  under  the  certain  conviction  that  he 
who  rides  in  front,  "  responsible  to  God  alone," 
suffers  and  endures  ten  times  as  much  as  any 
single  one  of  the  others.     It  must  raise  its  head 


170  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

like  his,  trusting  in  "  our  old  ally,"  and,  above 
all,  it  must  not  forget  the  well-known  words  of 
William  II,  "I  am  leading  you  towards  glorious 
days."  I  Then  at  last  the  triumphal  procession 
will  march  once  more  through  the  Siegesallee  as 
on  that  radiant  June  day  in   1871. 

The  Avenue  of  Victory  ! 

The  name  itself  sounds  like  a  blast  of 
trumpets.  It  was  inspired  by  the  idea  of 
Csesarism  and  carried  out  in  plastic  art  with 
that  strange  Caesarlike  determination  which  con- 
stantly shows  itself  in  William  II. 

The  Siegesallee  was  in  a  way  his  *'  bridal  gift  " 
to  the  German  nation  :  the  history  of  Branden- 
burg, Prussia,  and  Germany  expressed  in  marble 
— an  avenue  of  thirty-two  marble  statues,  ranged 
in  a  double  row,  extending  more  than  five 
hundred  yards  in  length  and  over  twenty-five  in 
breadth. 

To  begin  with  it  was  not  particularly  easy  to 
make  a  choice—"  not  so  much  with  regard  to  the 
princes  as  with  regard  to  those  who  assisted  them 
in  the  execution  of  their  work,"  These  words  were 
spoken  by  the  Kaiser  in  a  speech  delivered  in 
1 90 1  on  the  completion  of  the  great  work.  He 
flattered  himself  that  within  the  limits  of  the  task 
in  hand  he  had  allowed  every  single  artist  the 
necessary  freedom  in  the  performance  of  his  work  ; 
and  he  was  proud  and  happy  in  the  knowledge  that 
it  had  actually  been  accomplished  by  none  but 
Berlin  artists.  "  It  shows,"  said  he,  "  that  the 
Berlin  school  of  sculpture  has  reached  a  level  of 
excellence  which  could  not  have  been  higher  even 
'  In  the  original  :  Herrlichen  Zeitcn  fiihr  Ich  euch  entgegen. 


THE   TRIUMPH   OF   CESARISM         171 

in  the  days  of  the  Renaissance,  ...  I  may  tell 
you  already  that  the  Siegesallee  is  making  .an 
overwhelming  impression  on  foreigners.  All  over 
the  world  an  immense  respect  for  German  sculpture 
is  to  be  found."  Here,  again,  was  one  of  those 
Imperial  illusions  with  which  reality  had  nothing 
to  do. 

All  over  the  world  the  Siegesallee  is  quoted  as 
a  hideous  warning,  and  hardly  anywhere  has 
judgment  been  more  severe  than  in  Germany 
itself,  where  people  are  familiar  with  its  history 
and  know  what  enormities  have  been  committed 
in  tTie  execution  of  the  work.  Thus  it  is  a  well- 
known  fact  that  while  the  faces  of  some  of  the 
earlier  princes  have  been  hunted  out  of  old 
engravings  as  far  as  it  has  been  possible  to  find 
such  in  the  archives,  others  are  simply  taken  from 
theatrical  and  operatic  representations. 

"  Goethe  said  that  the  actor  should  learn  from 
the  worker  in  art  ;  now  it  is  the  other  way  round," 
wrote  the  well-known  art  critic  Karl  Scheffler  in 
1 90 1.  "Cloaks  picturesquely  draped,  bold  sil- 
houettes of  helmets,  commanding  gestures,  doughty 
attitudes  .  .  .  crowns,  artillery  boots — to  put  it 
shortly,  a  waxwork  exhibition  !  Everything  exactly 
to  order.  A  trouser  button  is  just  as  carefully 
treated  as  an  eye  ;  a  coat  of  mail  casts  a  deeper 
shadow  than  a  head."  But  the  criticism  does  not 
get  as  far  as  Caesar.  He  has  his  very  decided 
opinions  on  art  in  general  and  sculpture  in 
particular,  and  he  rejoices  that  the  art  of  sculpture 
— at  any  rate,  in  Berlin — has  been  for  the  most 
part  untouched  by  the  so-called  "  influences  "  and 
"  tendencies,"  and  therefore  has  retained  the  power 


172  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

to  educate  the  people,  which  ought  to  be  the  object 
of  all  good  art. 

"  God  grant  that  German  sculpture  may  always 
remain  at  its  present  height  of  perfection,  and 
that  my  grandsons  and  great-grandsons  may  have 
equally  great  masters  by  their  side." 


CHAPTER     XIV 
DISAPPOINTMENTS 

Notwithstanding  the  less  pleasant  features  of 
the  expedition  to  China,  it  would  be  idle  to  deny- 
that  it  had  its  importance  in  the  recent  history 
of  Germany  as  the  last  link  in  the  work  of  welding 
Army  and  Navy  into  one  organic  whole. 

During  the  jubilee  year  it  had  been  the  Kaiser's 
regret — to  which  he  had  given  expression  more 
than  once — that  the  Navy  had  no  memories  of 
battle  to  which  it  could  look  back  in  the  same 
way  as  the  Army.  But  now  this  was  no  longer 
the  case.  The  marine  forces  (who  happened  to 
be  in  China  before  the  dispatch  of  the  other  detach- 
ments, which  arrived  too  late  to  take  any  part 
in  the  operations)  had,  from  a  military  point  of 
view,  done  excellent  work,  and  displayed  a  courage 
and  resource  concerning  which  there  was  only  one 
opinion  among  their  foreign  comrades.  The 
British  Admiral,  Seymour,  had  commanded, 
"  Germans  to  the  front  !  " — an  order  which  seems 
to  have  made  an  indelible  impression  on  the 
Kaiser,  and  which  he  often  took  the  opportunity 
of  recalling.  Therefore  he  was  able  with  no 
exaggeration  to  say  to  his  sailors  on  their  return 

in    1901  :    "  From  now  onwards  there  can  be  no 

173 


174  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

doubt  that  the  Army  and  Navy  are  one.  They 
can  mutually  rely  upon  each  other.  The  one  ex- 
presses its  respect  towards  the  other."  Seen  in 
the  light  of  the  Navy  Act  of  1900,  with  its  huge 
programme  extending  over  a  space  of  fully  sixteen 
years,  these  words  have  an  increased  importance. 
Quite  apart  from  the  politics  of  the  day,  they 
mark  the  accomplishment  of  a  purpose  which  he  had 
had  in  his  mind  ever  since  he  was  a  young  Prince  ; 
certainly  not  with  much  result,  but  with  indubit- 
ably good  intentions,  a  purpose  of  which  the  Great 
War  was  one  day  to  show  the  consequence.  In 
this  one  respect  something  had  really  been  accom- 
plished ;  but  just  at  this  time,  when  he  was  about 
to  reap,  as  it  were,  the  reward  of  his  exertions, 
an  incident  occurred  which  had  a  deep  effect  on 
him,  at  the  same  time  throwing  a  light  on  certain 
aspects  of  political  life  in  Germany  which  made 
a  painful  impression  on  the  rest  of  the  world. 

During  a  visit  which  the  Kaiser  made  to  Bremen 
on  March  6,  1901,  a  young  man  named  Weiland, 
who  was  standing  among  the  spectators  in  the 
street,  threw  a  piece  of  iron  in  his  face,  with 
the  result  that  the  Kaiser  sustained  a  scratch  on 
the  side  of  his  nose,  four  centimetres  in  length. 
The  injury  was  completely  healed  within  a  fort- 
night. It  was  proved  that  Weiland  was  insane, 
and,  when  speaking  to  the  President  of  the 
Reichstag,  who,  on  behalf  of  the  Assembly,  had 
expressed  his  sympathy,  the  Kaiser  described  this 
senseless  attack  as  "  the  action  of  a  person 
obviously  deranged."  '     But  nevertheless  he  could 

'  In  the  original  language  :  Der  Tat  eines  offenbar  bloden 
menschen. 


DISAPPOINTMENTS  I75 

not  get  rid  of  the  idea  that  the  young  man  had 
been  led  away  by  some  bad  influence.  He  ex- 
.  pressed  the  same  opinion  in  still  stronger  words 
in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  the  Prussian  Second 
Chamber,  at  the  same  time  attaching  far-reaching 
importance  to  the  occurrence. 

"  The  outrage  in  Bremen,"  he  writes,  "  shows 
what  confusion  reigns  in  immature,  youthful  heads. 
It  is  obvious  that  respect  for  Crown  and  Govern- 
ment is  diminishing  more  and  more.  In  this 
direction  things  have  become  worse  during  the 
last  ten  years.  Respect  for  authority  is  wanting. 
The  fault  lies  with  all  classes  of  the  people. 
Instead  of  serving  the  general  interests  of  the 
nation,  every  man  pursues  his  own  private  interests. 
The  criticism  of  the  measures  taken  by  the  Crown 
and  the  Government  assumes  the  most  cutting  and 
offensive  form.  The  result  of  all  this  is  con- 
fusion and  demoralization  of  the  young."  These 
words  were  taken  generally  as  being  an  answer 
on  the  Kaiser's  part  to  the  Agrarians  and  the 
Conservative  part  of  the  Press,  who  had  lately 
attacked  him  on  account  of  his  stay  in  England 
at  the  time  of  Queen  Victoria's  death.  They 
aroused  a  considerable  sensation,  which  increased 
when  the  Kaiser  practically  repeated  his  words 
to  the  Reichstag  and  Landtag.  The  newspapers 
discussed  the  affair  at  length  with  a  most  painful 
want  of  tact  ;  and  in  a  way  which  one  would 
have  thought  inconceivable  in  a  country  like 
Germany  they  asserted  that  the  attempt  had 
plainly  had  an  injurious  effect  on  the  Kaiser's  mind. 

At  this  he  immediately  protested  in  the  most 
positive  manner. 


176  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

"  I  have  read  everything  that  the  newspapers 
have  written  about  my  supposed  condition  of  mind 
since  the  affair  at  Bremen,"  he  said  in  an  address 
to  a  deputation  from  the  Prussian  First  Chamber. 
"  But  there  is  nothing  more  mistaken  than  to  sup- 
pose that  my  mind  has  suffered  in  any  way  what- 
ever through  this  affair.  I  am  exactly  the  same 
as  I  have  always  been.  I  have  not  become  either 
dreamy  or  melancholy."  Here  the  Kaiser,  who 
had  Weiland's  piece  of  iron  in  front  of  him  on 
the  table,  paused,  pointed  to  the  missile,  and  con- 
tinued: "  I  am  in  the  hand  of  God,  and  I  will 
not  allow  even  such  events  as  these  to  divert  me 
from  the  path  in  which  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  go. 
During  my  journeys  I  meet  with  all  classes  of 
the  population,  and  I  therefore  know  very  well 
what  is  thought  and  said  about  me  in  the  nation. 
But  if  any  one  thinks  that  incidents  such  as  this 
will  alarm  me  and  affect  my  future  actions,  he  is 
very  much  mistaken.     Nothing  will  be  changed." 

The  words  could  not  be  misunderstood.  The 
German  nation  had  once  more  been  told  exactly, 
where  it  stood.  But  it  seemed,  nevertheless,  as 
though  the  Bremen  affair  had  unnerved  him,  more 
than  he  himself  realized,  or,  at  any  rate,  more  than 
he  would  admit  ;  and  when  he  was  inaugurating 
the  new  barracks  at  Kupfergraben,  near  Berlin, 
for  the  Kaiser  Alexander  Regiment,  five  weeks 
after  the  attempt,  his  agitated  condition  again 
betrayed  itself :  — 

"  Like  some  strong  castle,  the  new  building 
which  has  now  been  assigned  to  you  raises  its  walls 
by  the  palace,  which  it  must  be  your  first  endeavour 
always   to   protect.      The   Kaiser   Ale.u:ander   Regi- 


DISAPPOINTMENTS  177 

ment  is  required  to  be,  as  it  were,  a  bodyguard 
night  and  day — always  ready  to  strike  for  the 
King  and  his  house,  and,  when  necessary,  to  sacri- 
fice life  and  limb  on  the  redoubt.  And  if  ever  such 
a  time  should  come  again  " — here  the  Kaiser  made 
a  brief  allusion  to  the  events  of  1848 — "if  there 
should  arise  in  this  city  a  rebellion  against  its 
ruler;,  I  am  convinced  that  the  Alexander  Regiment 
will  crush  out  all  insubordination  and  disobedience 
towards  the  King  and  keep  disorder  within  due 
bounds." 

And  in  a  special  address  to  the  officers  of  the 
regiment  he  added  the  following  words,  which  in 
this  time  of  war   have  a   special  interest :  — 

"  I  am  firmly  convinced  that  the  officers  of  the 
Alexander  Regiment  will  always  be  equal  to  their 
task,  and  will  train  up'  their  soldiers  to  sacrifice 
life  and  limb  for  King  and  Fatherland  if  it  should 
be  needful.  The  consciousness  of  this  makes  me 
feel  assured  that  even  if  we  should  be  surrounded 
by  enemies  on  all  sides  we  would  be  victorious 
everywhere,  and  this  because  of  our  most  power- 
ful Ally  the  gracious  God  in  heaven,  who,  ever 
since  the  time  of  the  Great  Elector  and  the  great 
Kingji  has  always  been  on  our  side." 

The  speech  made  a  great  sensation,  both  in 
public  and  private  circles,  and  was  widely  inter- 
preted as  an  infallible  proof  of  mental  depression. 

But,  as  was  very  justly  pointed  out  at  the  time, 
it  was  quite  unnecessary  to  draw  such  conclusions. 
Even  before  he  had  been  struck  by  Weiland's  piece 
of  iron,  "  the  picture  of  civil  war,"  as  Harden 
said,  "was  always  before  his  mental  eye."  He 
'  Frederick  II. 
13 


178  WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

had  called  on  the  Prussian  Guard  to  defend  him 
against  the  "  gang  of  traitors,"  and  enjoined  on 
the  young  soldiers  to  shoot  down  father  and  mother 
if  they  were  commanded  so  to  do.  In  short,  there 
was  not  a  new  note  in  the  whole  speech. 

Instinctively  all  thoughtful  people  asked  one 
another  yet  again:  What  will  be  the  end  of  this? 
Will  it  answer  in  the  long  run  for  foreign  countries, 
who  do  not  know  and  cannot  know  German  affairs 
as  we  do,  and  who  therefore  lack  the  necessary 
qualifications  for  judging  the  value  of  the  Imperial 
speeches,  to  harbour  the  belief  that  Gennany  lives 
under  the  shadow  of  civil  war?  Ought  it  not 
to  be  made  clear  how  far  the  majority  in  the 
Reichstag  sanction  the  actions  of  the  Kaiser,  his 
conception  of  the  world — his  Weltpolitik,  his  im- 
pulsive eagerness  to  impress  his  sovereign  will 
upon  public  opinion?  If  the  Reichstag  sym- 
pathizes with  him' — very  well,  then  ;  he  stands 
within  his  right,  and  no  criticism  need  meddle 
with  him  further.  If  not,  we  must  return  to  the 
practice  which  obtained  at  the  time  of  William  I, 
when  there  was  always  a  responsible  authority 
behind  the   Imperial  words. 

Admirable  suggestions,  which  people  made 
vigorous  exertions  to  realize  later  on.  But  for 
the  ■  time  being  there  was  no  one  who  dared  to 
take  the  first  step,  a  characteristic  sign  of  the 
long-suffering  character  of  the  German  tempera- 
ment. 

In  the  meantime  a  very  important  change  took 
place  in  the  highest  office  of  the  State. 

The  Chancellor,  Prince  Hohenlohe,  had  retired 
from  public  life  in  October  1900,  at  the  advanced 


DISAPPOINTMENTS  tfg 

age  of  eighty -one.  His  last  parliamentary  victory 
liad  been  the  adoption  by  the  Reichstag  of  the 
Navy  Bill,  which  passed,  on  June  1 2th  of  the 
same  year,  by  201  votes  to  106.  On  this  occa- 
sion the  Chancellor  made  a  speech  which,  on  one 
point,  constituted  an  indirect  protest  against  the 
official  view  of  the  subject.  Every  one  knows  it 
has  been  long  held  as  a  dogma  in  Germany  that  it 
was  the  Kaiser  who  had  aroused  interest  in  the 
Navy  throughout  the  German  nation,  and  who  had 
finally  carried  the  day  in  spite  of  the  shortsighted- 
ness and  waywardness  of  his  countrymen.  We 
have  pointed  out  in  an  earlier  chapter  that  this 
view,  which  the  Kaiser  himself  has  tried  to  instil 
into  the  public,  is  not  entirely  correct.  This  fact, 
however,  should  not  prevent  recognition  of  the 
Kaiser's  work.  But  neither  should  the  nation  be 
forgotten.  This  was  the  view  which  Prince  Hohen- 
lohe  urged  at  the  moment,  and  on  the  basis  of  his 
own  personal  recollections  since  1840,  he  main- 
tained that  "  the  desire  for  a  German  Navy  had 
in  reality  issued  from  the  German  nation."  ' 
Although  he  inserted  the  observation  very  diplo- 
matically in  a  subordinate  sentence,  it  is  not  less 
noteworthy  on  that  account.  There  is  something 
of  an  independent  assertion  in  it — a  distant  echo 
from  the  days  of  youth,  sixty  years  back,  before 
he  was  drawn  into  the  official  system,  which 
clipped  his  wings  and  reduced  him  to  "  Uncle 
Chlodwig  "  by  the  pitying  indulgence  of  his 
countrymen.  , 

'  In  the  original  language  :  das  Drangen  nach  ciner  deutschen 
Flotte  recht  eigentlich.  aus  dem  deutschen  Volke  hervorgegangen 
ist. 


i8o  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

Hohenlohe's  resignation  did  not  meet  with  any 
opposition  on  the  part  of  tlie  Kaiser.  Quite  the 
contrary. 

"  During  the  last  weeks  "  (of  his  time  in  ofifice), 
he  noted  in  his  Diary,  "  several  things  occurred.  ' 
which  impressed  me  with  the  conviction  that  a 
change  in  the  person  of  the  Chancellor  would 
not  be  displeasing  to  the  Kaiser."  Hohenlohe, 
who  thought  that  it  was  better  to  anticipate  the 
event  than  to  be  overtaken  by  it,  decided  to  retire 
'■  earlier  than  he  had  originally  designed."  His 
keen  perception  did  not  mislead  him.  The  Kaiser 
graciously  received  his  resignation,  "  and  my 
departure  was  accomplished  in  a  most  peaceful 
way,  without  any  feeling  of  injury  on  either  side." 
The  nation  and  the  Reichstag  received  the  news 
of  Hohenlohe's  retirement  with  the  same  indiffer- 
ence which  they  had  displayed  when  he  took  ofifice. 
Popular  opinion  did  not  suggest  any  particular 
man  as  his  successor,  and  the  question  had  really 
been  decided  by  the  Kaiser  in  his  last  political 
conversation  with  the  retiring  Chancellor.  "  I  was 
agreeably  surprised  when  he  at  once  mentioned 
von  Billow,"  writes  Hohenlohe  in  his  Diary.  "  He 
is,  at  any  rate  for  the  mioment,  the  best  Chancellor 
to  be  had."  Immediately  afterwards  a  telegram 
was  sent  to  Herr  von  Lucanus  to  arrange  the  neces- 
sary formalities,  and  then  von  Biilow  slipped  into 
the  position  of  Chancellor  with  a  simplicity  which 
showed    that    the    German    nation    was    still    in    a 

'  Among  other  things  Prince  Hohenlohe  strongly  advised 
the  Kaiser  against  appearing  in  the  dress  of  a  Roman  emperor  at 
the  inauguration  of  the  Reichs-Limes  Museum,  to  which  advice 
the  Kaiser  reluctantly  yielded. 


DISAPPOINTMENTS  i8i 

primitive   position    with    regard    to    political    power 
and  authority. 

The  new  Chancellor  had  many  qualities  suited  to 
his  high  position.  He  was  a  man  in  the  prime  of 
life,  and  did  not  belong,  as  did  the  former  Chan- 
cellor, to  a  period  which  lay  a  generation  and  a 
half  before  the  Kaiser's  own.  He  had  grown  up 
in  a  definite  political  atmosphere,  and  had  early 
come  within  the  magic  circle  of  Bismarck's  genius, 
who,  in  von  Biilow's  father,  had  one  of  his  most 
capable  and  zealous  fellow-workers.  Notwith- 
standing a  difference  in  age  of  ten  years,  he  had 
been  a  personal  friend  of  the  Kaiser  from  his 
youth.  He  had  enjoyed  a  liberal,  even  superior, 
education,  improved  by  studies  and  travels  ;  and 
he  had  also  a  thorough  knowledge  of  practical 
administration  extending  through  many  years — 
latterly  in  the  capacity  of  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs  and  as  acting  Chancellor  under 
Hohenlohe  on  several  important  occasions.  No 
intrigues  were  needed  to  push  him  forward  as 
Chancellor,  nor  any  camarillas  to  support  him. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  he  had  no  firm  footing 
either  in  public  opinion  or  in  the  Reichstag, 
although  his  powers  were  universally  recognized 
and  he  was  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  finest 
speakers  in  the  Assembly.  He  had  already  estab- 
lished his  fame  in  this  respect  in  1897  by  his 
famous  phrase  about  Germany's  need  of  "  a  place 
in  the  sun  " — an  expression  which  the  Kaiser 
has  quoted  so  often  that  millions  of  people, 
both  in  Germany  and  outside,  have  long  ceased 
to  entertain  the  slightest  doubt  as  to  its  Imperial 
origin, 


i82  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

The  new  Chancellor  came  into  office  at  a  very 
difficult  moment.  But  it  was  not  internal  affairs 
only  which  gave  cause  for  anxiety.  In  the  field 
of  foreign  policy  also  there  were  forces  at  work 
which  threatened  to  make  deep  rifts,  especially 
in  the  relations  between  Germany  and  England, 
which  were  already   considerably   strained. 

The  German  nation  had,  through  a  foreign 
Ipiolicy  the  instability  of  'w^hich  'was  nowhere  more 
severely  criticized  than  in  Germany,  gradually 
worked  itself  up  into  such  a  state  of  indignation 
towards  England,  on  account  of  the  British  course 
of  action  in  South  Africa,  that  it  almost  assumed 
the  character  of  general  hatred.  "  It  cannot  now 
be  open  to  doubt,"  says  Count  Ernst  zu  Reventlow 
in  his  work  on  Germany's  foreign  policy,^  "  that 
those  accusations  of  inhumanity  which  were 
directed  against  British  operations  in  South  Africa 
went  far  beyond  the  mark.  The  appalling 
miseries  in  South  Africa,  which  fell  particularly 
upon  the  Boer  women  and  their  children  who 
were  interned  in  concentration  camps  and  died 
there,  were  horrible  and  painful  facts.  But  people 
went  too  far  when  they  described  them  as  the  result 
of  inhumanity.  .  .  .  Nor  could  the  British  soldiers 
justly  be  accused  of  any  want  of  courage  or  of 
any  propensity  to  cruelty."  -  But  at  the  moment 
indignation  overshadowed  everything  else,  and  if 
the  German  nation,  during  the  last  months  of  1901, 
had  known  what  we  now  know  of  German  foreign 
policy,  it  would  hardly  have  felt  itself  much  edified. 

'  Deutscliland's  auswartige  Politik  1888-1913. 
'  Cf.  Sir  Valentine  Chirol's  article  "The  Origin  of  the  Preseut 
War  "  (the  Quarterly  Review,  1914,  pp.  414-49). 


DISAPPOINTMENTS  183 

The  Kaiser,  the  Chancellor,  and  the  German 
Foreign  Office,  in  opposition  to  the  nation,  desired 
a  closer  connection  with  England,  and  in  October 
1,901,  following  a  suggestion  on  the  part  of 
Germany,  infomial  preliminaries  were  discussed 
between  them  respecting  a  treaty  of  alliance  by 
which  the  two  Powers  would  have  guaranteed  to 
respect  each  other's  possessions  all  over  the  world, 
excepting  those  in  Asia.  Germany  had  no  interest 
in  placing  herself  on  the  side  of  England  against 
Russia  in  a  possible  collision  in  that  part  of  the 
world,  but  she  intimated  at  the  same  time  that 
there  was  another  Power  upon  whom  England 
could  confidently  depend  as  an  ally — namely, 
Japan.  On  the  side  of  the  English,  it  was  pointed 
out  as  a  singular  thing  that  Germany  desired  the 
alliance  to  be  extended  to  include  North  and  South 
America  as  well,  where  it  was  well'  known  that  she 
did  not  possess  a  single  colony.  But  Germany 
made  an  earnest  assurance  that  this  was  just  a 
proof  of  the  disinterestedness  of  her  pohcy. 
England  did  not  feel  able  to  take  this  view  ;  and 
besides  this  she  was  afraid  lest  a  concession  on 
her  part  to  the  German  policy,  the  tendency  of 
which  was  directed  against  the  Monroe  Doctrine,' 
might  some  time  in  the  future  lead  to  a  conflict 
with  the  United  States.  But  from  a  European 
point  of  view,  too,  the  proposed  alliance  had  one 
great  weakness  as  far  as  England  was  concerned. 
By  guaranteeing  to  Germany  what  this  State  pos- 

'  Of  1823,  called  after  the  famous  President  James  Monroe 
(1817-25).  It  is  to  the  effect  that  the  United  States  will  not 
permit  any  intervention  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  American 
States. 


i84  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

sessed  in  Europe  at  the  time,  England  would 
have  settled  the  question  of  Alsace-Lorraine  in 
Germany's  favour,  and  thereby  have  incurred  the 
abiding  hatred  and  wrath  of  France.  Under  these 
circumstances  England  did  not  feel  herself  able  to 
agree  to  the  German  proposals  and  the  intended 
alliance  fell  through.  In  the  place  of  it,  England 
shortly  after  entered  into  the  famous  alliance  with 
Japan,  which  within  a  few  years  Was  to  have 
such  a  decided  importance. 

There  is  a  statement  of  the  Kaiser's,  mentioned 
In  Hohenlohe's  Diary  for  1900,  which  at  the  first 
glance  makes  it  difficult  to  explain  why  he  sought 
England's  friendship  with  such  perseverance,  not 
only  then,  but  on  earlier  occasions  as  well.  Speak- 
ing in  French,  the  Kaiser  said:  "  I  like  England 
and  the  English,  but  I  have  no  confidence  in  their 
politics."  I  The  explanation  hes  close  at  hand, 
however.  It  is  the  German  Realpolitik  which 
shows  itself,  divested  of  all  its  outward  conven- 
tionality, or,  as  a  French  politician  once  expressed 
it:  "The  Kaiser  always  offers  to  be  your  friend 
against  some  one  else.  Without  this  your  friend- 
ship is  of  no  value  to  him."  The  assertion  is 
historically  correct,  and,  more  than  that,  this  atti- 
tude on  the  part  of  the  Kaiser  was  an  outcome 
of  the  Imperial  temperament.  A  foreign  policy 
which  is  constantly  dictated  by  nervousness  must 
necessarily  abound  in  advances  and  assurances  in 
different  directions^  while  at  the  same  time  dis- 
appointment and  bitterness  must  increase  with  each 
new  rebuff.     This  was  particularly  the  case  on  this 

•  J'aime  I'Angleterre  et  les  Anglais,  mais  je  me  mefie  de  leur 
politique, 


DISAPPOINTMENTS  185 

occasion.  As  long  as  these  negotiations  lasted 
the  German  Press  was  practically  quiet.  The 
British  negotiator,  Sir  Valentine  Chirol,  Avho  in 
those  days  went  in  and  out  of  the  Wilhelmstrasse, 
received  a  definite  impression  from  the  Chancellor 
that  both  he  and  the  Kaiser  wished  to  be  on  good 
terms  with  England,  and  that  there  was  nothing 
they  disapproved  of  more  than  the  uncontrolled 
attacks  on  England,  which  we  referred  to  earlier, 
in  connection  with  the  agitation  at  the  beginnnig 
of  the  new  century.  But  now,  when  the  negotia- 
tions for  the  suggested  alliance  came  to  nothing, 
the  German  Press  suddenly  started  on  a  most 
violent,  united  attack  upon  England. 

Sir  Valentine  found  this  behaviour  on  the  part 
of  the  Press,  which  was  supposed  to  be  inspired 
by  the  Foreign  Office,  so  contrary  to  the  impression 
he  had  received  during  his  stay  in  Berlin  that  he 
felt  himself  obliged  to  ask  Baron  von  Holstein 
for  an   explanation. 

It  came  by  telegram  and  ran  thus:  Wir  hahen 
^itien  Korb  hekommen.^  This  was  official  Ger- 
many's last  bitter  admission  that  once  more  she 
had  received  a  repulse  from  England,  and  at  the 
same  time  it  marks  the  Kaiser's  last  attempt  to 
draw  England  into  a  position  with  respect  to 
Germany  which,  according  to  British  opinion, 
would  have  ended  by  reducing  her  to  what  has 
been  called  "a  maritime  Austria."  From  now 
onwards  the  path  was  clear  for  German  naval 
policy  down  to  the  Great  War.  The  Navy  Acts 
of    1906,     1908,     191 2,    and     1 91 3    followed    one 

'  German   colloquialism,   meaning :    Our    proposal   has    been 
rejected, 


i86  WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

another  like  beads  on  a  string — all  engineered  by 
the  agitation  we  have  sketched  in  outline,  and 
the  leading  idea  of  which  was  that  the  naval 
policy  and  the  Weltpolitik  were  to  form  one 
organic  whole,  the  object  of  both  being  that  no 
decision  of  importance  should  be  taken  anywhere 
in  the  world  without  the  opinion  of  the  German 
Emperor   first    being  heard. 

But  still  the  crowned  heads  in  both  countries 
continued  to  pay  visits  to  each  other  for  several 
years,  and  to  assure  each  other  of  their  personally 
friendly  feelings,  and  it  need  hardly  be  said  that 
it  was  William'  II  who,  chose  the  strongest  and 
most   spontaneous   words. 

One  of  these  utterances  deserves  to  be  specially 
mentioned — in  the  first  place  because  it  was  made 
immediately  after  the  hostile  display  towards  Eng- 
land, and  secondly  because  it  has  a  practical  value 
to-day. 

It  was  a  tribute  to  the  Prince  of  Wales — the 
present  King  George — who,  by  his  famous  journey 
of  over  60,000  miles,  had  helped  to  "  weld  together 
these  distant  parts  of  the  British  Empire  and  their 
loyal  inhabitants,  and  to  incbrporate  them  into  the 
Jmperium  Brifanniciini,  o,f  which  it  can  be  said 
that   within   its   boundaries    the   sun  never   sets." 


CHAPTER    XY 

THE   METEOR  AND   OTHERS 

Simultaneously  with  the  events  sketched  in  the 
last  two  chapters  there  arose  another  reason  to 
make  official  Europe  become  more  and  more  sus- 
picious  of  the   Kaiser's   assurances   of  peace. 

At  the  end  of  August  1898  the  present  Tsar 
sent  out  his  famous  Peace  manifesto,  which  led 
tOi  the  summoning  of  the  so-called  First  Hague 
Conference.  It  recommended  on  broad  lines  that 
lasting  peace  should  be  secured  for  the  nations 
of  the  world  by  a  systematic  limitation  of  the 
enormous  armaments  which  even  in  time  of  peace 
were  such  as  to  threaten  the  nations  with  economic 
ruin.  It  is  easy  enough  now,  in  the  light  of  recent 
events,  to.  smile  at  this  Conference,  and  at  the 
benevolent  monarch  who  took  the  first  step  in 
the  matter.  But  it  is  a  fact  that,  while  the  British 
Government,  under  the  leadership  of  Lord  Salis- 
bury, who  several  years  before  had  advanced  the 
same  idea,  expressed  their  entire  sympathy  with 
the  Russian  suggestion,  it  was  simply  dismissed  in 
Germany.  It  may  he  mentioned  also  as  a  signifi- 
cant fact  that  Professor  Stengel  of  Munich — a 
teacher  o,f  international  law,  who  on  the  first 
sug-gestion  of   the    Conference    showed  himself  to 


i88  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

be  one  of  the  most  persevering  agitators  against 
the  scheme — was  appointed  as  the  official  repre- 
sentative of  Germany  at  The  Hague,  together  with 
Professor  Zom  of  Berlin,  who  was  also  a  decided 
opponent  of  it,  particularly  with  regard  to  the 
idea  of  compulsory  arbitration.  About  the  same 
time  the  Kaiser,  in  a  speech  made  at  Wiesbaden, 
recommended  the  keen-edged  sword  as  the  best 
guarantee  of  peace.  All  this  very  naturally 
attracted  attention.  The  only  person  who  seemed 
to  think  everything  all  right  was  the  Kaiser  him- 
self, who,  with  his  unique  power  of  deluding  him- 
self into  every  kind  of  error,  naturally  never 
doubted  for  a  moment  that  all  official  Europe 
felt  exactly  the  same  as  he  did. 

"  When  I  succeeded  to  the  throne,"  said  he  in  a 
speech  in  1902,  with  a  new  variation  of  the  same 
expressions  which  he  used  towards  the  Army  at 
the  time  of  the  ten  years'  Jubilee,  "  foreign  coun- 
tries met  me  with  a  deep  but  unwarranted  mis- 
trust, believing  that  I  was  striving  after  the  laurels 
which  are  the  reward  of  war.  In  the  face  of 
this  mistrust  it  became  my  task  to  convince  foreign 
countries  that  the  new  Emperor  and  Empire 
intended  to  devote  their  strength  to  the  maintenance 
of  peace.  This  task  needed  a  long  space  of  time 
for  its  fulfilment.  .  .  ,  The  German  Empire  is 
now  far  from  being  considered  a  danger  to  peace. 
On  the  contrary,  people  have  learned  to  look  upon 
us   as   its   greatest   bulwark." 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that,  with  such  in- 
ability to  comprehend  anything  in  the  nature  of 
facts,  he  experienced  one  political  disappointment 
^fter  another  and  saw  great  things  accomplished 


THE   METEOR   AND   OTHERS  189 

contrary  to  his  Imperial  will.  In  1901  the  Triple 
Alliance  began  to  break  up,  as  far  as  Italy  was 
concerned,  and  afterwards  that  policy  was  initiated 
which  led  to  the  Tripoli  War  in  191 1,  and  to 
the  final  rupture  between  Italy  and  Germany  in 
191 5.  In  1902  the  alliance  between  England 
and  Japan  was  concluded  which  in  19 14  was 
put  to  the  test,  and  which  in  the  case  of  Germany 
has  led  to  the  loss  of  Kiao-Chao.  Involuntarily, 
Bismarck's  half-jesting  words  of  warning  came 
to  mind  :  "  Kiau-Chau  I  one  must  get  accustomed 
to  the  name.  It  may  turn  out  to  be  a  long-drawn- 
out  caout-schouc  ^  for  us."  All  this  was  disquiet- 
ing and  irritating,  and  the  Kaiser  felt  obliged  to 
speak  more  often  and  more  clearly  than  ever 
before. 

First  it  was  America  to  which  he  turned — "  a 
land  which,  ever  since  the  time  when  he  was 
Prince,  he  had  tried  to  familiarize  himself  with 
by  reading  and  careful  study  " — to  quote  an  official 
author — "  and  which  he  has  always  regretted  that 
he  has  not  been  able  to  visit."  By  means  of 
sundry  telegrams  and  speeches  on  various  occa- 
sions, during  the  'nineties  he  had  tried  to  cultivate 
American  friendship,  but  during  the  war  between 
Spain  and  the  United  States  in  1898  things  looked 
critical  for  a  time  on  account  of  the  conflict  Avhich 
arose  between  the  distinguished  Admiral  Dewey 
and  the  commander  of  the  German  Squadron  off 
the   Philippines. 

This  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  might  now  be 
removed,  and  as  a  suitable  opportunity  the  Kaiser 
made  use  of  the  fact  that  his  yacht,  the  Meteor, 
'  Caout-schouc — French  for  indiarubber. 


ipo  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

which  became  so  famous  later  on,  was  to  be 
launched  at  State  Island.  His  brother,  Prince 
Henry,  who  had  returned  the  previous  year  from 
his  expedition  to  China,  and  who  had  been  praised 
in  a  fashion  which  was  out  of  all  proportion  to 
what  he  had  done,  had  to  set  off  again — and  with 
the  tendency  to  exaggeration  always  present,  it 
followed  as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  public 
had   to   be   prepared   for   surprises. 

The  Kaiser  had  given  his  brother  the  advice 
one  would  have  least  expected  from  that  source : 
"  Keep  your  eyes  and  ears  open,  and  your  mouth 
shut  1  " 

As  the  Kaiser's  representative  and  official  spokes- 
man on  all  occasions,  it  was  naturally  no  easy  task 
for  the  Prince  to  take  the  last  part  of  the  advice 
literally.  He  was  obliged  to  rise  and  speak  time 
after  time,  .and  he  assured  his  hearers  constantly 
"  that  he  had  come  to  Amierica  in  order  to  show 
that  Germany  wished  to  stretch  out  a  hand  of 
friendship  across  the  ocean — nothing  more  nor 
less."  Or,  as  one  of  his  Am'erican  friends  ex- 
pressed it:  "  He  has  come  to  learn  and  observe  ; 
to  become  acquainted  with  our  country  and  people, 
our  industry,  our  ships  and  machines,  and  our 
gigantic  shops."  The  beginning  was  an  excellent 
one.  Prince  Henry  telegraphed  the  news  of  his 
arrival  to  President  Roosevelt,  and  at  the  same  time 
took  the  opportunity  of  Inquiring  after  one  of 
Roosevelt's  little  boys,  who,  unfortunately,  was 
obliged  to  be  in  bed  at  that  moment.  "  And 
permit  me,  in  addition,  to  congratulate  you 
and  the  Americans  on  this  the  birthday  of 
Washington."  ;  , 


THE  METEOR   AND   OTHERS  191 

lThe  remark  was  worthy  of  his  Imperial  brother 
— the  great  recollector  of  the  birthdays  of  the 
living  and  the  dead.  But  such  he  must  be,  for 
as  he  said  of  himself  before  his  departure  for 
China,  he  had  gone  forth  "  to  preach  the  gospel 
of  your  Majesty's  exalted  person,"  Roosevelt 
forgot  to  return  thanks  either  in  his  son's 
name  or  in  Washington's,  and  confined  himself 
to  greeting  him  on  his  own  behalf  and  on  that  of 
the  American  nation  on  the  occasion  of  his  arrival. 

Miss  Alice  Roosevelt,  the  President's  eldest 
daughter,  who  had  been  commissioned  to  christen 
the  Meteor,  was  more  spontaneous.  With  a  re- 
freshing lightheartedness  she  scribbled  off  at  the 
breakfast  table  the  following  telegram  to  the 
Kaiser  : — 

Meteor  has  been  successfully  launched.  I  congratulate  you 
and  thank  you  for  your  courtesy  to  me,  and  send  you  my  best 
wishes. 

The  example  was  catchmg,  and  with  a  serious- 
ness which  proved  that  the  primitive  republican 
virtues  which  had  existed  from  the  time  of  Washing- 
ton and  "  Citizen  "  Lafayette  had  not  yet  died 
out  in  the  States  the  Prince  was  assured  by  almost 
every  single  speaker  that  he  had  reason  to  feel 
proud  of  his  reception  in  America.  He  was 
informed  that  he  was  liked  and  respected  for  his 
own  sake. 

"  iWith  your  ability  you  would,  as  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  certainly  have  attained  to  the  rank 
of  Mayor,"  declared  a  high  State  official  in  a 
speech  in  honour  of  the  Prince — "  perhaps  even 
to  that  of  chief  of  the  naval  administration." 


192  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

On  the  other  hand,  the  German- Americans  were 
beside   themselves   with   joy. 

"  Incredible  numbers  of  them  appeared  every- 
where," writes  the  Prince's  American  friend.  "  He 
asked  them  how  they  were  getting  on,  and  among 
the  answers  he  got,  he  was  most  pleased  with 
those  to  the  effect  that  the  Germans  were  good 
American  citizens.  They  could  not  show  their 
loyalty  to  Germany  better,  he  said,  than  by  also 
being   loyal   citizens   of   the   United   States." 

The  words  were  ordinary,  without  originality, 
which  was  not,  indeed,  their  object.  But  the 
Byzantine  Press  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic 
was  already  getting  on  the  scent  of  history,  and 
with  the  conscientiousness  suitable  to  the  situa- 
tion, the  German -American  Press  considered  no 
incident  too  insignificant  to  be  transmitted  by 
cable. 

"  The  Secretary  of  State  [the  American  friend] 
was  wearing  the  jacket  of  the  Imperial  Yacht 
Club  to-day,  while  the  Prince  was  in  ordinary 
civil  dress."  "  The  Prince-Admiral  has  inherited 
his  father's  winning  smile  ;  that  smile  will  take 
all  hearts  by  storm  for  him  in  America.  ..." 
"  The  breath  of  history  is  already  about  us." 
Of  course.  This  journey,  which  went  at  lightning 
speed  in  a  Pullman  car  across  the  American 
continent,  had  quite  another  object  than  that  of 
making  Prince  Henry  acquainted  with  "  country 
and  people,  industry,  ships,  machines,  and  gigantic 
shops."  It  was  to  preach  "  the  Imperial  gospel  " 
in  the  New  World  as  it  had  been  proclaimed  long 
ago  in  the  Old.  This  was  admitted  among  officers 
— by  Admiral  von   Tirpitz,   who  plainly  declared: 


THE   METEOR   AND    OTHERS  193 

"  We  expect  an  itopro-vement  in  the  relations 
between  the  two  great  nations,  who  have  no  con- 
flicting interests  in  any  part  of  the  whole  wide 
world."  Chancellor  von  Blilow  expressed  his  abso- 
lute sympathy,  and  could  not  see  even  in  the 
most  distant  future  that  there  was  any  point 
"  where  the  Germans  and  Americans  can  cross 
each  other's  way." 

But  the  Americans  themselves  were  not  so 
charmed,  and  when  the  journey  was  well  over,  and 
the  Prince  at  home  again,  things  began  to  come 
out  even  in  correspondence  to  German  papers. 
"  In  political  circles  outside  the  Press  everything 
stands  just  where  it  did  before  the  Prince's  arrival. 
...  In  distinguished  American  circles  the  opinion 
is  general  that  a  more  important  occasion  ought 
to  have  been  selected  for  the  Prince's  tour." 

This  view  really  asserted  itself  so  forcibly  even 
during  the  visit  that  it  gradually  affected  the  Prince 
himself,  and  cooled  the  fervid  expressions  which 
were  as  natural  to  him  as  to  his  brother  on  all 
festive  occasions. 

But  to  the  Kaiser  this  journey  was  an  event 
which  Oiught  to  be  remembered  fo:r  all  time  ;  and 
in  token  of  the  historic  and  unchanging  friend- 
ship between  Germany  and  the  United  States,  he 
astonished  both  the  world  and  the  American  nation 
by  presenting  America  with  a  bronze  statue  of 
Frederick  the  Great,  for  which  he  requested 
Priesident  Roosevelt  to  choose  a  suitable  site  in 
Washington. 

But  Prinqe  Henry's  journey  to  America  had 
another  object  still.  This  was  to  strengthen 
national  consciousness   in   the   German-Americans, 

14 


194  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

and  take  them  out  of  the  dilemma  in  which  they 
found  themselves  with  regard  to  their  new  and 
their  old  home.  "  Both  these  facts,"  said  a  semi- 
official writer  fourteen  years  ago,  "  may  one  day 
prove  to  be  of  the  highest  importance  for  Germany, 
and  people  will  then  fully  appreciate  the  value 
of  the  German  Emperor's  exertions  and  his  in- 
fallible  foresight." 

The  words  have  a  certain  value  to-day  as  an 
indication  of  the  end  in  view,  even  though  they 
have  been  deprived  of  some  of  their  truth  through 
unfortunate  mistakes,  as  well  as  by  the  actual 
force  of  circumstances.  As  far  as  the  commercial 
side  of  the  visit  was  concerned,  it  was  pointed 
out  from  the  very  first,  with  praiseworthy  sober- 
ness of  mind,  that  nothing  of  the  kind  was  ever 
intended.  "  Trade  and  commerce,  export  and 
intercourse  are  not  under  the  influence  of  feelings 
and  high-flown  speeches.  Therefore  it  would  be 
a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  friendly  relations 
which  the  Kaiser  has  established  with  the  United 
States  could  be  specially  advantageous  to  our  trade 
and  export." 

Far  more  important  than  either  the  political 
or  economic  objects  of  his  visit  was,  however, 
its  psychological  side,  the  principal  one  in  the 
Kaiser's  view,  and  that  which  made  him  dispatch 
his  brother  on  this  pilgrimage  to  secure  the  favour 
of  the  Yankees.  Wrapped  in  an  entirely  mediaeval 
conception  of  empire,  he  had  become  a  religious  en- 
thusiast— something  akin  to  Otto  III,'  out  of  whose 
dreamy  mind  there  constantly  arose  the  most 
magnificent  castles  in  the  air,  and  thus  his  interest 
'  Germano-Roman  Emperor,  980-1002. 


THE   METEOR   AND   OTHERS  195 

in  the  American  community  was  not  purely  intel- 
lectual. He  was  bound  to  it  first  of  all  by  his 
British  descent,  secondly  by  his  mechanical  and 
practical  interests,  and  finally  by  those  qualities 
which  go  to  make  some  of  his  most  characteristic 
weaknesses — his  restlessness,  his  love  of  sensa- 
tion, and  his  untiring  passion  for  establishing 
records. 

His  individual  gifts  and  talents,  and  the  sur- 
roundings in  which  he  grew  up,  combined  to 
give  him  that  marked  self-assertion  which  the 
Americans  develop  naturally,  placed  as  they  are  in 
the  midst  of  a  community  of  self-made  men,  where 
energy  and  skill  open  undreamed-of  possibilities, 
and  where  the  highest  honour  and  distinction  lie 
within  every  man's  reach  as  far  as  his  abilities 
go.  The  representatives  of  money  met  him  on 
an  equal  footing,  in  virtue  of  "  the  almighty 
dollar,"  which  in  the  last  resort  is  able  to  counter- 
balance a  Hohenzollern.  The  Pierpont  Morgans, 
Vanderbilts,  Armours,  and  all  the  other  princes 
of  finance  raced  with  him  at  Cowes  and  Kiel. 
He  was  not  capable  of  impressing  them  because 
there  was  no  bridge  to  connect  his  antiquated 
world  of  thought — the  atmosphere  of  pedantry 
and  uniforms,  parade  and  regulations,  in  which 
he  continually  moved — with  their  period.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  received  an  overwhelming 
impression  of  their  independent  world  because 
he  instinctively  felt  the  connection  between  this 
community  and  that  of  industrial  Germany,  a 
Germany  of  which  he  himself  knew  nothing, 
in  spite  of  all  the  Hohenzollern  traditons.  At 
first    he    no     more    understood     this     phenomenon 


196  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

than  he  had  understood  the  social  side  of 
the  Labour  question.  But  when  CapitaUsm  began 
to  assert  itself  in  the  German  community  also, 
and  its  representatives  were  able  to  procure 
themselves  all  the  material  comforts  which  had 
hitherto  been  reserved  to  the  nobility  by  birth 
and  the  military  profession,  the  situation  changed. 
Before  either  he  himself  or  official  Germany 
became  aware  of  it,  one  of  the  pillars  of  the  altar 
and  the  Throne  was  distinctly  shaken  and  "  the 
new  aristocracy,"  as  it  has  been  called,  had  entered 
upon  the  scene,  imperious  and  defiant,  and  nowise 
hampered  by  considerations  of  any  kind. 

The  phenomenon  is  not  a  new  one.  The  history 
of  Rome  during  the  last  hundred  and  fifty 
years  B.C.  reveals  it,  from  the  point  of  view  of 
antiquity.  It  occurred  in  England  during  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  in  France  it  practically 
coincided  with  the  first  half  of  the  Second  Empire. 
In  Germany — as  we  have  mentioned  in  an  early 
chapter — it  was  more  particularly  the  outcome  of 
the  gigantic  financial  disturbance  which  arose  after 
the  Franco -German  War  ;  but  in  spite  of  that 
unfortunate  economic  crisis,  out  of  which  Stoecker 
tried  to  create  a  clerical  and  social-religious  policy, 
with  the  support  of  young  Prince  William, 
capitalism  itself  was  only  temporarily  stunned.  In 
the  course  of  half  a  generation  it  rose  again 
stronger  than  before,  in  sympathy  with  industrial 
and  commercial  developments,  and  the  wonderful 
new  discoveries  which  were  being  made  in  the  de- 
partments of  electrical  and  chemical  industry.  Life 
assumed  a  different  aspect.  Everything  went  on 
at   greater   speed  ;     desire    both   for    pleasure    and 


THE  METEOR   AND   OTHERS  197 

convenience  increased,  and  invention  hastened  to 
satisfy  it. 

.William  H  was  caught  in  the  swirl  of  this 
development  in  spite  of  his  exclusive  traditions^ 
his  military  enthusiasm,  and  his  strictly  orthodox 
conception  of  life,  with  all  their  corresponding 
rules  of  etiquette,  which  were  to  him  inviolable 
as  a  Divine  ordinance. 

The  following  words  were  written  during  the 
celebration  of  the  Emperor's  silver  wedding  in 
1906:  "During  the  early  years  of  his  reign 
William  H  devoted  himself  mainly  to  military 
matters,  and  his  only  recreation  was  hunting.  In 
accordance  with  this  he  associated  with  the  nobility 
alone.  But  the  moment  the  monarch  began  to 
turn  his  attention  to  yachting  and  motoring  there 
arose  a  change.  Only  a  few  of  our  nobility  could 
afford  to  have  their  own  yachts  and  motor-cars, 
and  it  was  therefore  necessary  for  our  monarch 
to  make  acquaintance  with  representatives  of  the 
German  moneyed  class."  On  closer  investigation, 
it  appeared  that  the  members  of  this  class,  who  as 
a  rule  are  descended  from  the  Maccabees,  were 
willing  to  devote  their  means  to  the  patronage  of 
art  and  literature — to  found  charitable  institutions 
and  to  fill  the  museums  with  rare  treasures. 
William  H  did  not  content  himself  by  merely 
showing  his  gratitude  in  the  forms  of  titles  and 
orders.  He  was  of  opinion  that  the  gentlemen 
who  had  placed  themselves  so  promptly  at  the 
service  of  the  ends  he  wished  to  advance  were 
worthy  to  associate  with  him  personally,  and  he 
opened  his  doors  to  them. 

At  that  moment  the  social  alteration  was  accom- 


198  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

plished  and  a  new  age  came  in.  "  What  has 
hitherto  been  regarded  as  German  character  and 
German  virtue  is  disappearing,"  observes  a  dis- 
tressed author,  "  and  with  the  gentlemen  of  the 
new  age  there  arises  a  new  conception  of  life 
which  would  hardly  have  kindled  inspiration  in 
an  Arndt  and  a  Schenkendorff .'  The  old  nobility, 
which,  religiously,  politically,  and  socially,  was 
knitted  to  the  previous  generation  and  to  that 
system  which  the  Kaiser  defended  on  every  occa- 
sion, in  total  opposition  to  his  present  behaviour, 
withdrew  more  and  more  from  the  Court  and 
retired  as  the  "  Junker  party  "  to  their  estates,, 
where,  to  speak  with  the  Vorwdrts,  they  expressed 
Simpiicissimus  sentiments.  In  their  place  the  new 
aristocracy  came  in — parvenus  with  brand  new 
titles,  clever  and  pushing  men  with  strong  lungs, 
as  was  right  and  proper  in  a  generation  where  the 
main  thing  was  to  shout  as  loudly  as  if  in  a  Stock 
Exchange  and  wave  company  prospectuses  and 
quotation  records  above  one's  head  as  though  they 
were  a  gilded  shield. 

It  was  this  development  in  the  recent  history 
of  Germany  which  took  place  about  the  middle 
of  the  'nineties,  at  the  same  time  that  the  Kaiser 
began  to  proclaim  a  Weltpolitik  as  his  great  aim. 
It  was  connected  with  the  desire  for  colonies  and 
the  naval  movement  which  have  been  sketched 
in  an  earlier  chapter,  and  from  its  very  nature  it 
was  aggressive  without   being  definitely  bellicose. 

But  the  Kaiser  here,  as  in  so  many  other 
instances,    stood    with    one    foot    in    each    camp — 

*  Famous   poets   associated   with   the  German   rising  against 
Napoleon. 


THE   METEOR   AND   OTHERS  199 

because  he  wished  to  be  both  autocrat  and  demo- 
crat, the  Hohenzollern  monarch  by  the  grace  of 
God,  and  the  workman's  Kaiser,  the  apostle  of 
peace,  and  the  partisan  of  the  "  keen-edged 
sword  " — to  put  it  shortly,  because  he  could  not 
realize  the  deep  contradictions  between  the  old 
Prussian  kingdom  and  the  modern  German  Empire, 
and  thus  try  to  establish  some  harmony  between 
them  ;  therefore  as  time  went  on  his  policy 
became  more  and  more  nervous,  instead  of 
becoming,  as  might  have  been  expected,  more 
temperate  and  composed  as  the  result  of  a  more 
comprehensive  and  far-seeing  view. 

In  one  way  Prince  Henry's  tour  to  America 
was  an  official  confirmation  of  the  fact  that  the  new 
age  had  made  its  entry,  and  that  the  German 
Empire  intended  to  fly  her  standard  at  the  foremast 
of  the  Meteor. 

There  was  almost  a  warning  underlying  the 
name,  which  might  have  made  an  orthodox  Prus- 
sian of  the  old  school  hesitate.  But  the  Messrs. 
Bodensteins,  and  Huldschinskys,  Liideritzes  and 
Itzenplitzes,  Markuses  and  Loewes,  and  all  the  rest 
of  those  typical  representatives  of  money,  who 
have  transformed  modern  Germany  into  a  pocket 
edition  of  America,  without  the  elements  of  great- 
ness and  independence  which,  in  spite  of  all  faults 
and  shortcomings,  lie  at  the  root  of  the  American 
community — these  wealthy  gentlemen  were  troubled 
just  as  little  by  superstitions  as  by  ethical  con- 
siderations. 

The  only  one  who,  in  spite  of  all,  did  not  seem  to 
suit  his  surroundings  was  the  Kaiser  himself.  At 
Aachen,  for  instance,  in  the  summer  of  1902,  some 


200  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

months  after  his  brother's  American  tour,  he 
described  the  new  Germany  and  its  ideals  in  the 
following  words :  — 

"  Far  and  wide  our  language  spreads  beyond 
the  seas,  far  and  wide  extends  the  influence  of 
our  science  and  our  research.  There  is  no  work 
in  the  field  of  new  investigation  which  is  not  first 
produced  in  our  language,  and  not  a  new  scientific 
thought  which  is  not  first  grasped  by  us  and 
subsequently  adopted  by  others.  The  foundations 
upon  which  our  nation  rests  are  simplicity,  the  fear 
of  God,  and  the  high  moral  attitude  of  our  fore- 
fathers. ...  I  place  my  whole  Empire,  my  whole 
people,  my  whole  Army,  represented  by  this 
field-marshal's  baton,  under  the  control  and  pro- 
tection of  Him  of  Whom  the  great  Apostle  Peter 
has  said,  '  Neither  is  there  salvation  in  any  other,' 
.  .  .  and  who  said  of  Himself,  '  Heaven  and  earth 
shall  pass  away,  but  My  words  shall  not  pass 
away.'  "  And  as  an  aspiration  which  did  not 
only  apply  to  the  city  where  he  was  speaking  at 
the  moment,  but  to  the  whole  Empire,  he  concluded 
with  the  confident  words:  "  I  drink  to  the  pros- 
perity of  the  city  of  Aachen,  fully  convinced  that 
the  words  which  I  have  spoken  will  fall  on  fruitful 
soil." 


CHAPTER    XVI 

NERVOUS   SYMPTOMS 

During  the  years  1903  and  1904  comparatively 
little  was  seen  of  the  Kaiser.  He  made,  indeed, 
some  sensational  speeches  from  time  to  time  and 
some  remarkable  observations,  of  which  the  most 
interesting,  psychologically,  was  his  religious  con- 
fession of  faith,  contained  in  a  letter  to  Admiral 
H oilman,  a  document  which  gave  rise  to  a  lengthy 
controversy  in  the  German  Press,  and  which  was 
also  discussed  abroad.'  Among  his  political 
speeches  there  was  one  in  particular  which  aroused 
dissatisfaction  abroad.  It  was  delivered  in 
Hanover.  The  Kaiser  has  never  been  able  to 
speak  in  that  city  without  touching  on  the  memory 
of  Waterloo — the  great  traditional  bond  between 
England  and  Germany.  Now  he  referred  to  the 
same  subject  again,  and,  among  other  things,  let 
fall  the  remark  that  it  was  the  Hanoverians, 
together  with  Bliicher  and  the  Prussians,  who  had 
saved  the  English  from  annihilation  in  that  ever- 
memorable  battle. 

»  The  letter,  which  is  reproduced  verbatim  in  the  third  volume 

of   the  Kaiser's   speeches  {Reclam   Universalbibl.,  nr.  4803-5),  is 

supposed,  according  to  the  pubhsher,  to  be  without  doubt  due 

to  the  influence  of  the  Rev.  Dryander,  principal  Court  preacher 

of  the  Kaiser. 

201 


202  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

With  the  exception  of  this  unconsidered  remark, 
for  which  there  was  no  possible  cause,  and  which 
had  not  even  the  advantage  of  being  true,  he 
exhibited  on  the  whole  a  more  prudent  policy, 
both  towards  England  and  the  other  Powers,  than 
people  had  been  accustomed  to  during  the  last 
few  years.  In  one  way,  however,  it  was  a  work 
of  necessity — firstly,  because  conditions  in  general 
demanded  a  certain  prudence  if  Germany  at  all 
intended  to  strengthen  her  position  in  Asia; 
and,  secondly,  because  it  became  more  and  more 
evident  that  the  ranks  of  Germany's  friends  were 
thinning. 

A  conflict  between  Gerrriany  and  Venezuela,  im- 
mediately after  Prince  Henry's  visit  to  America, 
came  as  the  first  check,  and  destroyed  the  entire 
impression  both  of  the  visit  and  the  Imperial  gift, 
which  in  any  case  had  not  given  particular  delight. 
In  order  to  appease  feeling,  the  German  Ambas- 
sador in  Washington,  von  Holleben,  was  recalled 
from  his  post  and  replaced  by  Speck  von  Stern- 
burg.  The  new  Ambassador,  who  went  over  to 
America  in  1903,  began  by  making  the  assurance 
that  "  it  is  very  important  for  the  Kaiser  to  show 
the  Americans  that  he  stands  in  friendly  relations 
with  them.  Nor  is  there  any  place  in  the  world 
where  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  respected  so  much 
as  in  Germany,  where  it  is  regarded  as  the  most 
valuable  guarantee  for  peace  in  the  Western  hemi- 
sphere." The  general  public  in  Germany  could 
not,  however,  rid  themselves  of  the  notion  that 
several  mistakes  had  been  made  by  the  Govern- 
ment both  about  America  and  about  the  other 
Powers.      This    view   was    even   advanced    in    such 


NERVOUS   SYMPTOMS  203 

a  loyal  newspaper  as  the  Frankfurter  Ze'itung,  as 
well  as  in  the  Opposition  press,  while  the  Radical 
and  Socialist  speakers  took  it  up  freely  in  the 
Reichstag. 

"  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  our  policy  regarding 
the  Boer  War  was  not  particularly  successful/' 
wrote  the  Frankfurt  organ.  "  And  what  are  our 
relations  now  with  regard  to  the  United  States  ?  We 
can  see  here  how  little  importance  need  be  attached 
to  royal  visits.  Prince  Henry  was  received  every- 
where with  acclamation,  but  it  now  appears  that 
the  cannonade  at  Maracaibo,'  of  which  no  satis- 
factory explanation  has  yet  been  given,  is  enough 
to  cause  an  explosion  of  ill-will  against  Germany." 
And,  with  a  true  discernment  of  the  real  cause,  the 
journal  continued:  "We  are  far  too  busy  culti- 
vating friendships  all  over  the  world.  We  want 
far  too  many  friends,  and— as  Herr  von  Vollmar 
said — we  are  far  too  pushing  in  our  advances  to- 
wards them.  The  result  is  that  we  forfeit  those 
friendships  we  already  have.  In  the  end  we  shall 
not  have  one  sincere  friend,  but  find  distrust  on 
every   side." 

What  was  very  important  for  the  Kaiser  was 
a  permanent  understanding  with  Russia,  whose 
policy  towards  China,  and  in  a  less  degree  also 
towards  Japan,  became  more  and  more  defiant 
in  the  course  of  the  summer  and  autumn  of 
1903.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  object 
of  the  German  policy  was  to  make  Russia  more 
disposed  to  agree  to  the  new  commercial  treaty 
with  Germany,   which,   after   the   alteration   of   the 

'  An  allusion  to  the  German  bombardment  of  the  Venezuelan 
port  of  that  name. 


204  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

German  tariff  in  the  direction  of  Protection,  was 
decidedly  less  favourable  to  Russia  than  the  one 
which  had  been  adopted  whilst  Caprivi  was  Chan- 
cellor. But  even  towards  the  end  of  1903  these 
negotiations  were  far  from  being  complete. 
Russia's  representatives  did  not  seem  to  be  in  any 
hurry,  while  the  Russian  papers  plainly  asserted 
that  Germany's  policy  aimed  at  sowing  discord 
between  Russia  and  England  by  officially  sup- 
porting Russia's  attempt  to  obtain  a  peaceful  solu- 
tion of  the  difficulties  in  Macedonia  at  that  time, 
and  at  the  same  time  privately  encouraging  Turkey 
to  resist  the  Powers'  demands  in  this  connection. 
We  mention  these  observations,  not  as  a  proof  that 
Germany  was  really  playing  a  double  game,  but 
because  it  is  necessary  to  draw  attention  to  them 
as  showing  the  general  distrust  which  prevailed  as 
to  the  honesty  of  German  policy. 

As  far  as  the  Kaiser  himself  was  concerned,  it 
was  obvious  that  all  his  interest  regarding  his 
attitude  to  Russia  was  centred  in  the  Russian 
policy  of  extension  in  Eastern  Asia.  In  spite 
of  the  humiliation  of  China  and  the  effective  con- 
cluding tableau  of  "  the  penance  Prince,"  he  had 
not  yet  .completely  shaken  off  his  fear  of  the 
"  Yellow  Peril."  Professor  Knackfuss  had  long 
ago  completed  his  work  of  art,  and  the  Kaiser 
very  naturally  had  presented  it  to  the  Tsar,  whose 
"  powerful  arm  reached  deep  into  Asia,"  and  who 
therefore,  more  than  others,  ought  to  have  his 
attention  directed  to  the  danger  which  was 
threatening.  That  he  was  also  equal  to  resisting  it 
the  Kaiser  did  not  doubt  for  a  moment,  and  when 
war  broke  out  between  Russia  and  Japan,  in  1904, 


NERVOUS   SYMPTOMS  205 

he  expected  a  speedy  and  complete  victory  in 
Russia's   favour. 

A  succession  of  circumstances  —  among  them 
being  the  faciHty  with  which  Russia  reduced  her 
troops  in  Poland  to  a  minimum  and  sent  the  rest 
to  Manchuria,  while  Russian  deserters  across  the 
German  frontier  were  handed  over  to  the  military 
authorities  of  their  own  countries,  and  German 
steamers  were  sold  in  great  numbers  to  Russia — 
served  to  strengthen  the  general  impression  that 
verbally  or  actually,  directly  or  indirectly,  there 
existed  some  alliance  between  Russia  and  Germany, 
directed,  not  only  against  Japan  but  also  against 
England.  The  matter  has  an  interest  beyond  the 
actual  moment,  and  must  be  reckoned  as  a  factor 
in  judging  the  events  which  made  it  natural  for 
Japan  to  pJace  herself  in  191 4  in  the  ranks  of 
Germany's   enemies. 

Notwithstanding  this  benevolent  attitude  on  the 
part  of  Germany,  which  even  brought  some  diffi- 
culties upon  the  Government  in  the  Reichstag, 
events  took  their  undisturbed  course  towards 
the  breakdown  of  the  Russian  policy  in  the 
Far  East. 

The  Kaiser  followed  the  development  of  events 
with  the  greatest  attention,  and  expressed  his  sym- 
pathy on  several  occasions.  "  Russia's  grief  is 
Germany's  grief,"  he  telegraphed  in  the  spring 
of  1904,  on  receiving  the  news  that  the  battleship 
Petropaulovsk  had  struck  a  mine  and  gone  down — 
a  sentiment  which  all  humanity  could  share,  among 
other  things  because  the  gifted  painter  Vereshcha- 
gin  was  drowned  on  the  same  occasion.  Later 
in  the  year — when  the  Viborg  Regiment,  of  which 


2o6  WILLIAM    THE    SECOND 

the  Kaiser  was  honorary  colonel,  was  sent  out  to 
the  East — he  telegraphed  to  the  regiment,  wish- 
ing them  all  success  in  their  opportunity  of  meeting 
the  enemy  and  of  sharing  the  honour  of  fighting 
for  their  country.  He  also  expressed  the  hope 
that  good   fortune   would   follow   them. 

These  sentiments  were  just  as  strong  at  the 
beginning  of  1905,  and  on  the  fall  of  Port  Arthur, 
on  January  2nd,  he  hastened  to  decorate  General 
Stossel  with  the  order  Pour  le  merite  in  recog- 
nition of  his  heroic  bravery.  Later  on  it  was 
unfortunately  proved  that  General  Stossel's  con- 
duct during  the  siege  of  Port  Arthur  had  been 
scandalous,  and  that  he  had  surrendered  the 
fortress  much  too  early — conduct  which  a  court 
of  justice  in  his  own  country  found  it  necessary 
to  punish  by  ten  years'  imprisonment.  It  was 
inevitable  that  General  Stossel's  fate  should  place 
the  Kaiser  in  an  unfavourable  light,  as  a  man 
who  acted  far  too  impulsively  under  the  impres- 
sions of  the  moment,  without  giving  himself  time 
to  make  any  inquiries  whatever  as  to  the  real 
facts  ;  nor  did  it  improve  the  case  that  he 
bestowed  the  same  decoration  on  General  Nogi, 
the  conqueror  of  Port  Arthur.  On  the  whole, 
the  Kaiser's  disappointments  over  the  progress  of 
the  Russo-Japanese  War  were  so  many  and  so 
personal  that  it  is  conceivable  that  pure  despon- 
dency caused  him  to  utter  the  disparaging  observa- 
tions about  the  Russian  Army  which  we  have 
already  mentioned,  even  if  the  form  they  took  was 
unjustifiable. 

The  year  which  opened  in  such  a  dramatic  way 
was,  however,  to  be  exceptionally  full  of  surprises. 


NERVOUS   SYMPTOMS  207 

In  March  he  made  one  of  his  most  remarkable 
speeches  at  Bremen — a  mixture  of  supposed  self- 
abnegation  and  passionate  defiance — not  exactly- 
new  in  idea,  but  still  so  amazingly  expressed  that 
it  was  very  naturally  made  the  subject  of  much 
comment   both   at   home   and   abroad. 

"  When  I  came  to  the  throne,"  he  said,  "  after 
my  grandfather's  great  work  was  achieved,  I  swore 
a  soldier's  oath  that,  as  far  as  lay  in  my  power, 
bayonets  and  cannons  should  remain  at  rest  ;  but 
I  swore,  too,  that  the  bayonet  must  be  kept  sharp, 
the  cannon  loaded,  and  both  in  good  condition, 
so  that  neither  jealousy  nor  envy  from  without 
might  disturb  us  in  the  cultivation  of  our  gardens 
or  in  the  decoration  of  our  beautiful  homes.  I 
have  pledged  myself,  on  the  ground  of  the  experi- 
ences of  history,  never  to  strive  after  the  vanity 
of  a  world-wide  domination.  For  what  has 
become  of  these  so-called  world-wide  Empires? 
Alexander  the  Great,  Napoleon  I,  all  the  great 
captains  of  war,  after  wading  through  seas  of 
blood,  left  behind  them  nations  crushed  beneath 
the  yoke  who  rebelled  again  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity and  brought  their  Empires  finally  to  their 
fall.  The  world-wide  Empire  which  I  have 
imagined  is  characterized  by  this,  that,  above  all 
things,  it  shall  enjoy  the  most  absolute  confidence 
on  all  sides  as  a  quiet,  honest,  and  peaceful  neigh- 
bour ;  and  if  ever  a  German  Empire  or  a  Hohen- 
zollern  dominion  should  be  known  in  history,  they 
should  not  be  founded  on  the  conquests  of  the 
sword,  but  on  the  mutual  confidence  of  neighbours, 
striving  towards   the   same  end." 

He  further  maintained  that  the  German  Army, 


2o8  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

practically  speaking,  had  now  reached  its  highest 
possible  state  of  perfection,  and  that  therefore  it 
was  now  the  turn  of  the  Navy.  Now  at  last  the 
Navy  was  filled  with  the  same  spirit  as  the  Army, 
while  every  German  warship  that  was  launched 
was  one  more  guarantee  towards  peace  on  earth. 
"  Our  adversaries  will  be  so  much  the  less  dis- 
posed to  stir  up  strife  against  us,  while  at  the 
same  time  we  shall  be  looked  upon  as  a  desirable 
ally." 

After  a  few  remarks  about  the  rising  genera- 
tion and  the  Fatherland,  he  expressed  his  firm 
conviction  that  "  our  Lord  and  God  would  not 
have  given  Himself  such  pains  over  our  German 
Fatherland  and  its  people  if  He  had  not  some 
great  thing  in  store  for  us."  He  concluded  with 
the  following  passage  :  "  We  are  the  salt  of  the 
earth  ;  but  we  must  also  show  ourselves  worthy 
to  be  so.  Our  rising  generation  must  learn  to 
make  sacrifices,  to  renounce  all  that  does  not  tend 
to  good,  and  to  avoid  everything  which  has  crept 
in  from  foreign  countries.  So  may  it  one  day 
be  inscribed  on  the  German  nation  what  is  written 
on  the  helmets  of  my  ist  Regiment  of  Guards, 
Semper  talis  ('  Always  the  same  ').  Then  all  will 
look  upon  us  with  respect  and  some  even  with 
affection,  and  we  shall  be  able  to  stand  with  our 
hand  on  our  sword-hilt  and  the  shield  before  us  on 
the  ground  and  say,  Tamen  ('  Come  what  will  ')." 
Nine  days  later — March  31,  1905 — these  remark- 
able words  received  a  practical  illustration  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Kaiser's  visit  to  Tangier.  After 
the  attitude  which  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  von 
Billow,   had  adopted   with   respect  to  the   Franco- 


NERVOUS   SYMPTOMS  209 

British  Morocco  agreement  of  April  8,  1904,  during 
a  debate  oh  the  question  in  the  Reichstag,  this 
sudden  visit  of  the  Kaiser  to  Morocco  became  an 
international  event  of  the  first  importance.  The 
Chancellor  had  alleged  that  the  German  Govern- 
ment had  no  objection  to  the  agreement,  as  it 
was  in  no  way  inimical  to  German  interests,  and 
when  Count  Reventlow  remarked  that  it  might 
be  advantageous  to  Germany  to  create  friction 
between  the  other  Powers,  von  Blilow  diplomatically 
replied  that^  "  at  any  rate,  it  would  be  unwise  to 
proclaim  it  from  the  housetops."  But  that  is  just 
what  occurred.  The  Kaiser  landed  at  Tangier 
and  proclaimed  to  all  the  world  that,  in  view  of 
Germany's  important  commercial  interests  in 
Morocco,  he  had  decided  to  place  himself  there 
as  a  safeguard  for  the  sovereignty  of  the  Sultan 
and  the  independence  of  the  country,  and  in  order 
that  a  free  Morocco  might  be  open  to  the  peaceful 
competition  of  all  nations,  without  monopoly  and 
without   restrictions. 

This  action  was  of  course  interpreted  as  a 
challenge  to  France  and  the  two  other  Powers — 
England  and  Spain — who  had  contracted  the 
Morocco  agreement  a  year  before,  and  if  there 
was  any  one  who  still  entertained  any  doubt  about 
the  matter  he  need  only  read  the  comments  of  the 
German  Press  on  the  Morocco  affair.  The  articles, 
which  were  inspired  by  Wilhelmstrasse,  briefly  de- 
clared that  in  reality  the  German  Government  took 
up  the  same  fundamental  attitude  towards  the 
Morocco  agreement  as  it  did  in  1904 — that  is  to 
say,  that  it  raised  no  objection  to  the  agreement 
itself,  but  it  considered  that  a  mistake  had  been 

15 


210  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

made  on  the  part  of  France  by  her  not  informing 
Germany  of  the  treaty  before  it  was  signed.  It 
was  the  wish  of  Germany  that  France  should  make 
amends  for  this  mistake  by  joining  with  Germany 
in  a  conference  on  the  Morocco  question  as  far 
as  it  also  concerned  the  other  Powers.  In  other 
words,  a  purely  formal  question  was  here  raised  in 
the  most  dangerous  and  defiant  manner,  and  it 
was  evident  that  a  retreat  was  bound  to  be  made 
in  some  quarter  or  other  if  Europe  were  not  to 
face  a  most  critical  situation. 

It  lies  beyond  the  limits  of  the  present  volume 
to  enlarge  upon  the  well-known  events  which 
during  the  first  days  of  June  1905  brought  about 
the  resignation  of  the  French  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  M.  Delcasse,  as  a  member 
of  the  Rouvier  Ministry.  It  is  sufficient  to  say 
that  all  over  the  world  this  incident  was  regarded 
as  an  open  acknowledgment  on  the  part  of  France 
that  she  had  been  worsted  in  the  dispute  with 
Germany.  Such  was  undoubtedly  the  case.  Yet 
it  was  no  more  than  a  stage  victory,  won  because 
of  the  chance  circumstance  that  France  at  the 
moment  was  in  an  isolated  position,  because  her 
Russian  ally  in  the  Far  East  had  suffered  the  defeat 
which  both  Delcasse  and  William  II  had  thought 
impossible   at   the   outset. 

There  can  hardly  be  found  a  more  striking 
evidence  of  the  short-sightedness  in  the  so-called 
leading  circles  of  Europe  than  that  this  sudden 
action  on  the  Kaiser's  part  should  have  been  con- 
sidered a  remarkable  result  of  political  shrewd- 
ness, and  that  it  should  be  prophesied,  even  in 
England,  that  the  Kaiser's  action  in  Morocco  had 


NERVOUS   SYMPTOMS  211 

secured  Germany  a  leading  position  in  European 
politics   for   many  years   to   come. 

Long  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War 
the  logic  of  events  had  proved  the  emptiness  of 
this  assertion,  and  there  is  hardly  a  more  striking 
proof  of  this  than  that  the  only  thing  now  remain- 
ing of  the  Imperial  Morocco  policy  is  the  title  of 
Prince  which  was  granted  to  von  Biilow  towards 
the  end  of  the  summer  1908 — Bernhard  der 
Gliickliche  '  as  his  countrymen  called  him — during 
the  first  exuberance  of  joy  at  Delcasse's  having 
been  obliged  to  retreat. 

But  it  was  not  enough  for  the  Kaiser  to  carry 
his  point  with  a  high  hand.  The  fact  had  to 
be  repeated  again  and  again  so  that  everybody 
should  know  that  no  one  might  dare  to  cross  the 
path  of  Germany,  and  that  the  Kaiser's  advice 
and  wishes  must  be  consulted  in  all  decisions  of 
importance.  A  new  and  admirable  opportunity  for 
proclaiming  this  opinion  offered  itself  on  Octo- 
ber 26,  1905 — the  hundred  and  fifth  anniversary 
of  Moltke's  birth.  A  statue  of  the  great  soldier 
was  unveiled  in  Konigsplatz,  in  Berlin,  and  in  the 
evening    there   was    a   banquet    at   the   palace. 

The  Kaiser  spoke  : — 

"  Let  us  consecrate  two  glasses  to  this  day — 
one  to  the  past  and  its  glories,  in  sincere  thank- 
fulness to  Providence  which  in  former  days  gave 
the  great  Emperor  his  paladins.  .  .  .  The  second 
glass  I  dedicate  to  the  future  and  the  present. 
You  have  seen,  gentlemen,  how  we  stand  in 
the  world.  Then — powder  dry,  sword  keen,  eyes 
on  the  goal,  muscles  taut,  and  down  with  all 
'  Bernhard  the  happy. 


212  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

pessimists  !  I  fill  my  glass  to  our  people  in 
arms."  ' 

There  was  such  violence  of  feeling  and  such 
distinctness  of  expression  in  this  outburst  that  no 
impartial  outsider  could  entertain  a  doubt  of  its 
fundamental  sentiment.  It  was  the  policy  of 
nervousness  proclaimed  to  all  the  world,  not  by 
chance  but  as  a  system— a  policy  always  on  the 
verge  of  declaring  hostilities,  under  the  sense  of 
being  surrounded  by  enemies  on  every  side. 

But  a  living,  working  nation  cannot  exist  per- 
manently in  such  an  atmosphere  of  excitement, 
without  reaction  setting  in  sooner  or  later.  It 
came  in  the  autumn  of  1905  in  the  form  of  an 
interpellation  in  the  Reichstag,  the  result  of  a 
more  than  usually  defiant  speech  made  by  the 
Kaiser  in  Breslau — a  speech  full  of  martial  recol- 
lections and  imperious  demands.  It  was  in  this 
speech  that  he  let  fall  the  well-known  words  which 
have  been  so  often  quoted  :  "I  will  endure  no 
pessimists.  The  man  who  will  not  join  with  me 
in  the  work,  out  with  him  1  Let  him  go  and  seek 
another  Fatherland  elsewhere." 

The  Liberal  Party  and  the  Socialists,  and  even 
the  Moderates,  felt  that  things  were  going  badly, 
and  during  the  interpellation  in  the  Reichstag  words 
were  spoken  with  unusual  sharpness.  "  We  have 
reached,"  said  Bassermann,  leader  of  the  National 
Liberal  Party,  "  a  period  of  journeys  and  speeches, 
telegrams  and  overflowing  amiability  in  every 
direction.     Our  policy  has  no  dignity  or  stability. 

'  In  the  original  :  Das  Pulver  trocken,  das  Schwert  geschliffen, 
das  Ziel  erkannt,  die  Krai'te  gespannt  und  die  Schwarzseher 
verbannt. 


NERVOUS    SYMPTOMS  213 

The  plans  which  are  made  are  afterwards  thrown 
into  confusion  by  violent  hands.  Foreign  States 
watch  us  with  attention  and  distrust."  A  more 
distinguished  Liberal  Member  said  :  "  It  is  high 
time  that  all  these  empty  speeches  and  clashing 
of  swords  were  put  a  stop  to,"  and  one  of  his 
colleagues  supported  him  by  remarking  that  "  there 
is  nothing  more  dangerous  in  home  policy  than  a 
personal  autocracy,  and  it  becomes  even  more 
dangerous  in  the  case  of  foreign  policy."  The 
Socialist  Herr  Wollmar  made  the  general  remark 
that  "it  is  a  matter  for  astonishment  abroad  that 
a  nation  so  highly  cultivated  as  the  Germans  should 
remain  in  such  a  state  of  political  subjugation," 
while  Herr  Spahn — leader  of  the  Moderate  Party 
— without  criticizing  the  Imperial  remarks,  sug- 
gested the  unusual  step  that  the  foreign  policy  of 
the  Empire  should  be  placed  under  constitutional 
control,  under  the  guidance  of  a  Commission  for 
Foreign  Afifairs,  headed  by  Bavaria,  an  arrange- 
ment which  was  included  in  the  Constitution,  but 
which  has  never  been  carried  into  practice. 

This  debate  showed  the  real  feelings  of  the 
nation,  and  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to 
emphasize  this  by  bringing  forward  contemporary 
evidence  taken  from  pamphlets  and  books,  as  well 
as  from  articles  in  magazines  and  in  the  daily 
Press.  But  even  on  this  occasion  no  decisive 
change  took  place.  Then  suddenly  Wilhelm  Voigt, 
an  old  unknown  shoemaker  with  a  stormy  past 
and  a  by  no  means  military  appearance,  exposed 
the  whole  vulnerable  side  of  that  Imperial  policy 
of  uniforms  to  which  the  Reichstag  had  tried  to 
put   an   eri4   in   v^in.      It   was    long   since   people 


214  WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

had  laughed  so  heartily  in  Germany  as  on  the 
day  that  the  old  cobbler  appeared  in  a  mock 
captain's  uniform  at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of 
soldiers,  of  whom  he  had  calmly  taken  command 
in  the  street,  arrested  the  local  authorities  of  the 
town  of  Kopenick,  and  possessed  himself  of  the 
municipal  coffers. 

Things  like  this  could  -happen  even  in  a  country 
where  a  uniform  was  the  "  alpha  and  omega  "  of 
life,  and  where  the  Emperor  never  fwearied  of 
reiterating  the  fact  that  he  was  "  determined  to 
have  brave  and  stalwart  soldiers  in  his  Army  and 
no  mockers."  Goethe's  words  were  true,  and  the 
cobbler  Voigt  proved  them  in  practice,  "  From 
the  sublime  to  the  ridiculous  there  is  only  one 
step." 


CHAPTER    XVII 

AN    INTERVIEW  AND   ITS   CONSEQUENCES 

There  is  hardly  anything  more  characteristic  of 
the  abnormal  political  conditions  in  Germany  than 
that  the  crisis  which  was  so  obviously  approach- 
ing still  held  ofif  for  nearly  two  more  years.  When 
it  finally  came,  it  was  the  Kaiser  himself  who 
precipitated  a  commotion  in  Germany  which  has 
had  no  parallel  in  the  last  fifty  years. 

On  Wednesday,  October  28,  1908,  the  Dally 
Telegraph  published  an  article  with  the  title  "  The 
German  Emperor  and  England."  It  took  the  form 
of  "  a  personal  interview  "  between  the  Kaiser  and 
the  writer  of  the  article,  who  described  himself 
as  "  a  retired  diplomatist."  With  a  true  estima- 
tion of  the  journalistic  value  of  direct  speech, 
the  author  made  the  Emperor  appear  in  the  first 
person.  The  words  poured  from  his  lips.  The 
reader  feels  that  they  are  sentiments  which  have 
been  kept  back  for  years  and  which  now  at  last 
burst  triumphantly  through  their  bonds. 

"  You  English  are  mad,  mad,  mad  as  March 
hares.  I  have  declared  to  you  repeatedly  and 
emphatically  that  it  is  one  of  my  dearest  wishes 
to  live  on  good  terms  with  England.     Falsehood 

and  prevarication  are  foreign  to  my  nature.     That 

215 


2i6  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

you  mistrust  me  and  will  not  believe  me  I  feel 
and  resent  as  a  personal  insult,  A  considerable 
section  of  your  newspapers  warns  the  people  of 
England  against  accepting  the  hand  I  hold  out, 
and  insinuates  that  in  my  other  hand  I  hold  a 
dagger.  I  can  only  repeat  again  and  again  that 
I  am  the  friend  of  England,  although  here  I  find 
myself  in  a  minority  amongst  my  countrymen.  The 
prevailing  sentiment  among  large  sections  of  the 
middle  and  lower  classes  of  my  people  is  un- 
friendly towards  England.  I  strive  with  all  my 
power  to  improve  our  relations,  and  in  spite  of 
all,  you  persist  in  regarding  me  as  your  arch- 
enemy. 

"  During  the  South  African  War  Germany  was 
full  of  the  most  hostile  feeling  towards  you.  Both 
publicly  and  privately  the  whole  current  of  opinion 
was  directed  against  England. 

"  But  what  did  I  do?  Who  put  an  end  to 
the  Boer  leaders'  circular  tour,  the  object  of  which 
was  to  bring  about  a  European  intervention  against 
yourselves?     I  did, 

"  These  men  were  received  with  acclamation  in 
Holland  and  in  France,  and  the  German  nation 
would  have  liked  to  have  woven  garlands  for  them. 
But  I  declined  to  receive  them,  and  at  once  the 
agitation  stopped  and  England's  enemies  obtained 
nothing. 

"  When  the  struggle  in  South  Africa  was  at 
its  height  the  German  Government  was  invited 
by  the  Governments  of  France  and  Russia  to  join 
with  them  in  putting  an  end  to  the  war.  The 
moment  had  come,  they  said,  to  humble  England 
in  the  dust.     I  replied  that  Germany  would  never 


AN    INTERVIEW:    ITS   CONSEQUENCES     217 

lend  her  aid  in  bringing  about  the  downfall  of 
England,  and  that  she  never  would  be  drawn  into 
a  policy  that  could  bring  her  into  conflict  with 
a  sea  Power  of  England's  rank. 

"  In  the  archives  of  Windsor  Castle  there  still 
lies  the  telegram  in  which  I  informed  Queen 
Victoria  of  the  plans  of  her  enemies  and  of  the 
answer   I   had  given   them. 

"  Nor  was  that  all.  During  your  Black  Week 
in  December  1899,  when  disasters  followed  one 
upon  another,  I  received  a  letter  from  my  revered 
grandmother  which  betrayed  her  deep  sorrow  and 
affliction.  I  not  only  returned  a  sympathetic  reply, 
I  did  something  more.  I  bade  one  of  my  officers 
procure  for  me  the  most  exact  account  he  could 
obtain  of  the  number  of  combatants  in  South  Africa 
on  both  sides  and  of  the  actual  positions  they 
occupied.  With  these  figures  before  me,  I  worked 
out  what  I  considered  to  be  the  best  plan  of 
campaign  for  you  under  the  circumstances,  and 
sent  it  with  the  approval  of  my  General  Staff 
to  England.  This  document  is  likewise  among 
the  State  papers  at  Windsor  Castle.  My  plan 
was  in  all  essentials  the  same  as  that  which  was 
so  successfully  carried  out  by  Lord  Roberts. 

"Would  an  enemy  of  England  behave  thus? 

"  But  you  will  say  :  '  The  German  Navy  is  a 
menace  to  England.'  No  !  We  need  a  powerful 
fleet  to  protect  our  commerce  and  our  other 
interests.  The  circle  of  these  interests  is  con- 
stantly enlarging.  We  must  be  prepared  for  those 
eventualities  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  which  may  arise 
sooner  than  many  people  believe.  The  rapid 
advance    of    Japan    and    the    awakening   of    China 


2i8  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

show  us  how  grave  are  the  problems  which  con- 
front European  power  in  the  Far  East.  When 
the  German  and  British  squadrons  are  fighting 
together  on  the  same  side,  England  will  rejoice 
over  the  fact  that  Germany  had  a  strong  Navy." 

This  is  the  substance  of  the  famous  "  inter- 
view," which  was  at  first  regarded  in  Germany 
as  something  in  the  nature  of  a  hoax.  But  when 
it  was  transmitted  over  the  world  by  Wolff's 
Agency  and  reproduced  in  the  Norddeutsche 
Allgemeine  Zeitung  two  things  were  made  clear  : 
the  wording  was  correct,  and  it  was  the  Kaiser's 
wish  that  his  remarks  should  be  circulated  as  widely 
as  possible. 

There  is  no  reason  to  refer  in  greater  detail 
to  the  unique  sensation  which  this  interview  created 
throughout  the  world.  But  as  far  as  Germany 
was  concerned,  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that 
it  was  like  an  autumn  storm — a  gale  which  swept 
over  the  land  and  aroused  opposition  among  all 
ranks    and    professions,    even    in    the   Army    itself. 

Never  had  there  been  such  resistance — not  to 
say  such  actual  rebellion — against  the  Kaiser  as 
arose  on  this  occasion,  both  in  speech  and  writing. 
For  more  than  a  week  the  newspapers,  without 
regard  to  party,  raised  one  united  chorus  of  lamen- 
tation over  that  personal  rule  which  had  caused 
Germany  to  be  exposed  in  such  a  way,  and  there 
was  only  one  opinion  to  be  heard — namely,  that 
effective  measures  must  be  taken  against  this 
political  evil  which  threatened  to  lower  the  very 
idea   of  monarchy   itself. 

"  The  treasure  of  monarchical  feeling  which  the 
Emperor  William   I   bequeathed  to  his   successors 


AN   INTERVIEW:    ITS   CONSEQUENCES     219 

is  undoubtedly  very  rich,"  wrote  the  Liberal  organ 
Die  Post  in  an  article  which  may  be  quoted  as 
a  specimen  of  the  average  opinion  ;  "  but  even 
the  greatest  inheritance  may  be  squandered  if  it 
is  administered  in  an  irresponsible  manner." 
Carried  on  the  topmost  wave  of  indignation, 
Maximilian  Harden  went  so  far  as  to  ask  straight 
out  if  the  Emperor  intended  to  abdicate  the  throne. 
"  He  must  not  cherish  any  illusions,"  he  added. 
"  All  his   subjects   are  against  him  now." 

In  the  Reichstag,  where  Prince  Biilow  found 
himself  in  a  difficult  position,  not  least  because 
the  Imperial  interview  had  been  exposed  to  a  series 
of  peculiar  misfortunes  on  its  way  between  the 
various  State  authorities,  words  were  no  less  bitter. 

The  manuscript,  according  to  the  Norddeutsche 
Allgemelne  Zeitung,  had  been  submitted  to  the 
Kaiser  in  a  handwriting  that  was  practically 
illegible.  His  Majesty,  who  at  the  moment  hap- 
pened to  be  at  his  well-known  royal  hunting  lodge, 
Rominten,  in  East  Prussia,  ordered  it  to  be  sent 
to  the  Imperial  Chancellor.  The  Chancellor,  who 
was  spending  a  few  days  on  his  estate  at 
Norderney,  on  the  North  Sea,  sent  it  on  straight 
to  Wilhelmstrasse,  without  looking  at  it.  Here 
the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  was  not  at  home 
— he  was  taking  his  holiday  at  Berchtesgaden,  in 
Tyrol — and  neither  in  the  "  Press  Office  "  nor 
"  the  political  department  "  was  there  any  one  who 
took  the  trouble  to  examine  it.  After  having 
undergone  this,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  summary 
treatment,  considering  its  Imperial  origin,  the  docu- 
ment was  returned  to  the  Chancellor,  who  now 
saw   less    necessity   than   ever   for   looking   at    it. 


220  WILLIAM    THE   SECOND 

He  contented  himself  with  giving  it  the  usual 
endorsement  which  is  signed  on  all  the  Chan- 
cellor's dispatches,  Erledigt — B.,^  and  after  that 
no  one  thought  more  about  it  until  it  appeared 
in  the  columns  of  the  Daily  Telegraph. 

The  whole  thing  produced  a  distinctly  painful 
impression  of  irresponsibility  ;  nor  could  it  be 
denied  that  there  was  a  certain  comic  side  to  the 
situation.  If  for  no  other  reason,  it  was  impera- 
tive, on  purely  formal  grounds,  that  the  Foreign 
Office  should  be  safeguarded  by  "  constitutional 
guarantees."  There  appeared  no  other  course  open 
to  the  Chancellor  but  the  tendering  of  his  resig- 
nation. He  had  now  been  over  eight  years  in 
office,  and  had  experienced  to  the  full  both  its 
delights  and  its  drawbacks.  His  health  was  failing 
and  the  leisure  of  private  life  appealed  to  him 
as  it  did  to  few,  surrounded  as  he  might  be  by 
works  of  art,  by  books  and  outward  comforts,  in 
his  splendid  villa  at  Rome,  or  refreshing  his  tired 
brain  in  the  salt  sea  breeze  on  the  beach  at  Nor- 
derney.  But  on  second  thoughts  he  felt,  in  spite 
of  all,  that  it  would  not  be  quite  loyal  to  leave  the 
Kaiser  at  a  moment  like  this — when  he  stood  prac- 
tically defenceless  before  a  whole  nation  which 
was  "  just  bursting  with  indignation  and  shame," 
as  a  German  writer  put  it.  Von  Biilow  therefore 
went  no  further  than  to  inform  the  Kaiser  that  on 
certain  conditions  he  was  willing  to  remain  in  office 
— after  having  actually  tendered  his  resignation. 

He  informed  the  Reichstag  of  the  position,  and 
added : — 

"It  is  my  firm  conviction,  and  one  to  which 
*  Dispatched  (Biilow). 


AN    INTERVIEW:    ITS    CONSEQUENCES     221 

I  have  come  during  the  strain  of  these  days, 
that  the  Kaiser  will  in  future  observe,  even 
in  private  conversation,  that  reticence  which  is 
necessary  in  the  interests  of  a  uniform  policy  as 
well  as  in  that  of  the  authority  of  the  Crown.  If 
this  were  not  the  case,  neither  I  nor  any  of  my 
successors   could   accept   the   responsibility." 

The  high  tone  in  which  the  discussion  was 
opened  by  the  Chancellor  was  maintained  through- 
out the  debate,  and  it  was  justly  admitted,  even 
by  British  observers,  that  none  of  that  dignity  was 
lacking  which  befits  the  National  Assembly  of  a 
great  people  in  a  situation  which,  from  its  very 
nature,  must  be  painful. 

But  the  attacks  on  the  Crown  increased  rather 
than  diminished  in  violence,  and  some  days  later 
the  Socialist  Heine  made  a  speech  which,  by  its 
audacity,  deliberately  encouraged  rebelhon,  but 
which  nevertheless  was  not  referred  to  by  a  single 
word  from  the  ministerial  bench. 

"  The  Kaiser  has  formed  the  habit  of  speaking 
on  all  possible  subjects,"  said  the  member  in  ques- 
tion. "  He  speaks  on  science,  little  dreaming  how 
men  of  science  shake  their  heads  ;  he  speaks  on 
art,  but  does  not  realize  the  smile  that  goes  round 
in  art  circles  ;  he  speaks  on  politics — and  about 
that  we  have  heard  enough.  Thanks  to  the  Kaiser, 
national  unity  has  been  re-established,  but  it  is 
a  unity  of  indignation." 

The  attitude  taken  by  the  Government  party 
was  due  as  much  to  the  personal  character  of  this 
attack  as  to  the  perfectly  sound  judgment  on  which 
it  was  based— namely,  that  personal  rule,  accord- 
ing to  the  Kaiser's  conception,  was  an  impossible 


222  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

thing,  for  the  practical  reason  that  no  human  being 
can  be  famihar  with  all  subjects,  in  all  depart- 
ments of  knowledge,  in  such  a  highly  specialized 
age  as  our  own.  It  was  difficult  enough  to  be  an 
autocrat  in  the  days  of  Frederick  II,  and  even 
Bismarck's  giant  constitution  was  on  the  point  of 
giving  way  more  than  once  under  the  burden  of 
the  Chancellorship.  The  work  of  Chancellor  was 
now  three  or  four  times  as  heavy  as  it  had  been 
in  his  time,  and  yet  the  Kaiser  wanted  to  be  his  own 
Chancellor — as  well  as  everything  else.  It  was 
obvious  that  this  could  not  go  on,  and  it  was  hope- 
less to  bring  forward  anything  in  defence  of  such 
a  system.  Therefore  the  Government  party  kept 
silence,  both  to  avoid  a  crisis  in  the  Chancellorship 
and  to  prevent  what  a  Conservative  speaker  called 
"  an  open  declaration  of  war  between  the  Crown 
and  the  nation." 

Curiously  enough,  this  violent  constitutional 
storm  left  no  traces  whatever  on  the  Kaiser  him- 
self. While  the  nation  was  eagerly  waiting  for 
a  word  of  some  kind  from  him  to  confirm  the 
Chancellor's  statement,  persistent  rumours  began 
to  spread  hinting  that  the  relations  between  the 
Kaiser  and  his  Chancellor  were  more  strained  than 
before.  At  the  same  time  the  newspapers  occu- 
pied themselves  in  recording  the  Kaiser's  private 
diversions,  which  the  nation  at  that  moment  was 
inclined  to  regard  as  something  in  the  nature  of  a 
defiance. 

From  Rominten  the  Kaiser  had  ^one  on  a  hunt- 
ing expedition  to  Bohemia  with  the  Austrian  Heir- 
Apparent,  Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand,  who,  with 
his    wife,    less    than    six   years    later,    was    to    be 


AN    INTERVIEW:    ITS   CONSEQUENCES     223 

immortalized  in  the  double  tragedy  at  Serajevo. 
At  the  moment  the  Kaiser  was  staying  with  his. 
friend  Prince  Fiirstenberg  at  his  magnificent  castle 
of  Donaueschingen,  in  Bavaria,  where  were  also 
Count  Zeppelin  and  several  other  gentlemen.  Here 
hunting  still  went  on,  and  in  the  evenings  there 
were  various  forms  of  amusement.  A  theatrical 
company  from  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  and  a 
troupe  of  variety  artists  from  the  Chat  Noir  in 
Berlin,  appeared  amidst  tremendous  applause. 
During  his  visit  Count  Zeppelin  gave  a  demonstra- 
tion with  one  of  his  airsjiips.  The  Kaiser  decorated 
him'  with  the  Black  Eagle,  and  made  a  speech 
declaring  him  to  be  "  the  greatest  German  of  the 
twentieth    century." 

But  his  Majesty  was  not  only  taken  up  with 
the  actual  doings  of  the  moment.  In  a  few  weeks' 
time  he  was  to  receive  the  oath  of  allegiance  from 
the  new  recruits  at  Kiel.  Some  fresh  saluting 
regulations  were  necessary,  and  Admiral  von  Holt- 
zendorff  published  the  following  instructions  from 
the  Kaiser,  with  orders  that  they  were  to  be  care- 
fully practised  so  as  to  be  employed  on  his 
Majesty's   arrival. 

"  His  Majesty  the  Kaiser  has  commanded  that 
the  cheers  on  each  ship  shall  be  absolutely  simul- 
taneous, at  the  exact  moment  that  the  caps  are 
raised  high  in  the  air.  On  the  command  '  Three 
cheers  for,'  the  flags  must  be  run  up.  At  the  same 
time  the  right  hand  of  each  man  on  parade  must 
be  removed  from  the  rail  and  carried  to  the  edge 
of  the  cap.  On  the  first  command  to  cheer,  the 
signalling  flags  are  to  be  dipped  ;  the  cheer  is 
then  to  be  uttered,  while  at  the  same  instant   the 


224  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

caps  are  to  be  raised  a  short  distance  into  the  air 
by  extending  the  right  arm  at  an  angle  of  about 
forty-five  degrees.  As  soon  as  the  first  cheer  has 
subsided,  the  caps  are  to  be  brought  to  the  front 
of  the  body  by  bending  the  arm  at  the  level  of  the 
chest.  The  same  procedure  is  to  be  observed 
at  the  second  and  third  cheers,  the  only  difference 
being  that  after  the  third  cheer  the  caps  shall  not 
be  brought  to  the  front  of  the  body,  but  shall  be 
smartly  replaced  on  the  head,  after  which  the 
right  hand  shall  be  returned  to  its  position  on  the 
rail." 

The  nation  felt  itself  more  and  more  left  in  the 
dark,   and   new    rumours    continually   cropped   up. 

What  was  the  meaning  of  this  behaviour  on  the 
Kaiser's  part? 

Was  there  anything  in  the  report  that  Prince 
Fiirstenberg  was  to  be  appointed  Imperial  Chan- 
cellor? 

"  That  is  impossible,"  was  the  reply  of  those 
people  who  knew  better — "  if  for  no  other  reason 
than  that  Fiirstenberg  is  an  Austrian  citizen." 

Or  perhaps  the  Kaiser  again  contemplated  taking 
a  Chancellor  from  the  Army? 

In  this  connection  General  von  Loewenfeld's 
name  was  mentioned  ;  he  was  chief  of  the  9th 
Army  Corps  in  Hanover — the  same  corps  that 
Caprivi  was  commanding  when  he  was  called  to 
the  highest  office  in  the  State  in  the  manner  we 
have  already  described. 

No  one  knew  anything.  The  only  thing  certain 
was  that  the  agitation  in  the  nation  was  becoming 
more  and  more  disquieting,  and  it  finally  aroused 
such  serious  anxiety  in  Court  circles  that  the  Kaiser 


AN    INTERVIEW:    ITS    CONSEQUENCES     225 

decided    to    have    a    personal    interview    with    the 
Chancellor. 

This  event,  which  the  public  was  informed  of 
beforehand,  took  place  on  November  17,  1908, 
a  date  which  the  majority  of  the  people  at  first 
expected  would  be  a  landmark  in  German  history 
on  the  way  towards  constitutional  self-govern- 
ment. 

The  official  communication,  published  in  the 
Reichsanzeiger  on  the  same  day  that  this  important 
interview  took  place,  gave  no  grounds  for  such 
an  assumption.  It  briefly  informed  the  public  of 
the  fact  that  the  Chancellor  had  had  an  hour's 
conference  with  his  Majesty  the  Kaiser,  and  had 
drawn  His  Majesty's  attention  to  the  sensation 
created  in  the  German  nation  by  the  article  in  the 
Daily  Telegraph  and  to  the  reason  of  this  sensa- 
tion. Further,  he  had  given  the  Kaiser  a  detailed 
account  of  the  attitude  which  he — the  Chancellor 
— had  considered  it  his  duty  to  adopt  during  the 
proceedings  in  the  Reichstag.  After  this  the 
official   communication   continued   as   follows  : — 

"  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  received  the  state- 
ments and  explanations  of  the  Imperial  Chancellor 
with  great  seriousness,  and  expressed  his  wishes 
in  the  following  terms  :  Notwithstanding  the 
exaggerated  nature  of  this  public  criticism,  which 
he  felt  to  be  most  unjust,  he  would  consider  it 
his  highest  Imperial  duty  to  guard  the  stability 
of  national  policy,  while  fulfilling  his  constitutional 
responsibilities.  In  accordance  with  this,  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor  gave  his  assent  to  the  state- 
ments of  the  Imperial  Chancellor  and  assured 
Prince  von  Biilow  of  his  continued  confidence." 

16 


226  WILLIAM   THE  SECOND 


But  as  the  old  proverb  says,  "  It  is  an  ill  wind 
that   blows   nobody   good," 

If  the  crisis  had  not  come  to  a  head  in  the 
columns  of  the  Daily  Telegraph  at  the  end  of 
October,  it  would  have  done  so  in  the  Century 
Magazine  in  the  beginning  of  November.  During 
a  two  hours'  conversation  with  a  prominent 
American  journalist  the  Kaiser  expressed  himself 
in  his  usual  open-hearted  way.  The  German 
Foreign  Office,  to  which  the  article  had  been  sub- 
mitted, was  of  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  pub- 
lished in  a  magazine  of  good  standing,  and  the 
choice  very  naturally  fell  on  the  Century  Magazine, 
though  the  author  had  originally  written  his  inter- 
view for  the  New  York  Times.  But  after  the 
affair  with  the  Daily  Telegraph,  Wilhelmstrasse  felt 
such  a  dread  of  any  more  Imperial  interviews 
that  all  the  cables  were  instantly  set  in  motion 
to  prevent  a  new  sensational  bomb  from  bursting 
over  Germany  and  the  world. 

Nevertheless,  it  was  pure  accident  which  decided 
how  far  any  of  their  measures  took  effect. 

The  interview  had  long  ago  been  produced  in 
proof  sheets  in  the  New  York  Times,  and  copies 
of  it  had  passed  through  several  hands  in  America. 
A  couple  of  corrected  proofs  had  even  made  the 
journey  across  the  Atlantic  to  England.  The 
Century  Magazine  had  the  interview  in  type  ready 
to  go  to  the  press,  and  though  it  had  been 
moderated  from  its  original  form,  the  paper  felt 
that  out  of  deference  to  the  reasons  put  forward 
by  the  German  Foreign  Office  it  ought  to  abandon 
the  idea  of  producing  this  unique  journalistic  sensa- 
tion, which  undoubtedly  would  have  beaten  all 
records  of  the  Dally  Telegraph. 


^ 


AN    INTERVIEW:    ITS    CONSEQUENCES     227 

However,  that  did  not  help  matters.  The  New 
York  World  took  up  the  sensation  and  pub- 
lished a  version  of  the  interview,  which  was  recog- 
nized as  right  in  all  essential  points,  but  which 
lacked  the  personal  flavour  which  would  have  been 
its  chief  qualification  for  success.  Now  it  only- 
served  to  show  that  with  regard  to  Japan  the 
Kaiser  was  still  in  dread  of  the  "  Yellow  Peril," 
while  towards  England  he  displayed  a  feeling  of 
ill-will  which  stood  in  marked  opposition  to  the 
views  which  he  had  expressed  in  the  interview 
for  the  Daily  Telegraph.  But  this  was  not  the 
first  time  he  had  contradicted  himself. 


CHAPTER    XVIII 

BEFORE   THE   GREAT  WAR 

After  the  Imperial  declaration  of  November  17th, 
it  did  not  take  long  for  the  loyal  people  of  Germany 
to  settle  down  again.  This  state  of  things  was  a 
proof  of  the  nation's  notable  lack  of  political  in- 
stinct, and  its  willingness  to  be  satisfied  with  words. 
The  Kaiser's  declaration,  indeed,  stated  that  he 
agreed  with  the  views  which  the  Chancellor  had 
expressed  in  the  Reichstag  ;  but,  so  far  from 
admitting  that  the  criticism  had  any  justification, 
he  considered  it  on  the  contrary  to  be  simple 
injustice  and  exaggeration.  In  complete  accord- 
ance with  this  attitude  of  mind  the  Kaiser  made 
no  promises  of  any  description.  He  was  free 
at  any  time  to  withdraw  what  he  had  said,  and 
to  assert  the  same  views  as  before,  without  any 
one  being  able,  with  even  a  semblance  of  justice, 
to  reproach  him  for  having  gone  back  on  his 
word.  Also,  on  purely  practical  grounds,  it  was 
wise  to  let  a  certain  time  go  by  before  he  again 
appeared  as  the  autocrat  "  responsible  to  God 
alone."- 

In  consequence   of  current  events  his   speeches 
during    1909  were  mainly  concerned  with  private 

matters.      These    speeches    were    all    very    quiet, 

228 


BEFORE  THE   GREAT   WAR  229 

especially  the  first,  which  was  indeed  the  most 
difficult  one — namely,  the  welcome  of  King  Edward 
and  Queen  Alexandra  on  the  occasion  of  their 
visit  to  Berlin  in  February  1909,  three  months 
after  the  national  tempest  we  have  sketched  in 
the  preceding  chapter.  His  speech  ortthe  occasion 
was  absolutely  irreproachable.  For  once  we  hear 
nothing  of  Malplaquet  and  Waterloo,  the  hope  of 
a  mutual  brotherhood  in  arms  in  future,  or  the 
joint  task  of  the  German  and  British  Navy  in 
the  struggle  for  European  civilization.  He  merely 
expressed  the  usual  assurances  of  friendship  which 
are  required  on  occasions  of  this  kind,  adding 
that  he  recognized  in  this  visit  "  a  new  guarantee 
for  the  peaceful  and  friendly  development  of  the 
relations  between  the  two   countries." 

Some  weeks  later,  in  a  speech  on  the  first 
centenary  of  the  institution  of  the  Prussian  War 
Office,  there  came  an  opportunity  for  him  to  take 
a  more  exalted  tone.  This  temptation  also  he 
resisted,  although  his  feelings  took  him  beyond 
the  most  ordinary  set  phrases.  He  gave  honour 
where  honour  was  due,  in  recalling  the  memory 
of  Scharnhorst  and  Roon — the  only  epoch-making 
War  Ministers  in  Prussia  during  the  nineteenth 
century.  He  did  not  so  much  as  mention  his 
grandfather,  and  only  referred  to  his  great-grand- 
father Frederick  William  III  as  the  official  origi- 
nator of  the  War  Office,  without  using  any  of  those 
superlative  adjectives  which  history  does  not  justify, 
and  which  on  other  occasions  he  had  lavished 
so  freely  on  this  unremarkable  and  indeed  un- 
attractive individual. 

Later  in  the  year  he  showed  the  same  moderation 


230  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

when  speaking  before  the  Tsar  as  he  had  shown 
before  King  Edward,  and  in  the  speech  from  the 
Throne  at  the  opening  of  the  Reichstag  in  the 
autumn  of  1909  there  was  a  remarkably  sub- 
dued tone,  with  no  high-flown  language  of  any 
sort,  and  ab«ve  all  no  demands  for  grants  towards 
the  Army  or  the  Navy.  He  pointed  out  that 
Germany's  distant  possessions  were  developing 
satisfactorily,  and  that  a  large  part  of  those  ex- 
penses which  the  Empire  at  first  had  been  obliged 
to  defray,  were  now  borne  by  the  colonies  them- 
selves. Commercial  treaties  had  been  concluded 
with  England  and  Portugal.  To  put  it  shortly,  the 
entire  political  horizon  was  peaceful,  or,  as  he 
expressed  it  in  the  speech  from  the  throne:  "In 
order  to  secure  to  the  German  people  undisturbed 
and  adequate  opportunities  for  development,  my 
Government  continually  exerts  itself  to  cultivate 
and  strengthen  peaceful  and  friendly  relations  with 
the  other  Powers." 

All  this  bore  undoubted  witness  to  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  crisis  of  1908 — and  showed  that  the 
Kaiser  could  be  induced  to  adopt  an  attitude  of 
greater  self-restraint  if  the  nation  would  really 
risk  anything  to  obtain  it.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
an  incident  occurred  in  1909  which  was  calculated 
to  arouse  anxiety,  because  it  showed  that  the  Kaiser 
had  learnt  nothing  from  the  Algeciras  disappoint- 
ment in  1906,  when  the  emptiness  of  Morocco's 
imaginary  claims  of  the  preceding  year  was  ex- 
posed to  the  world,  but  that  he  henoefonward 
held  the  opinion  that  the  policy  of  strong  words 
led  most  surely  to  the  goal. 

In  the  autumn  of    1908  Austria-Hungary,  con- 


BEFORE   THE   GREAT   WAR  231 

trary  to  all  expectations,  annexed  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina.  This  event  made  a  general  sensa- 
tion throughout  the  world,  and  for  nearly  six 
months  threatened  to  bring  about  war  between 
Austria  and  Serbia.  A  breach  between  these  two 
countries  would,  in  the  opinion  of  all  authorities, 
be  synonymous  with  a  European  war.  The  Powers 
of  the  Triple  Entente  were  most  seriously  offended, 
because  the  action  of  Austria -Hungary  practically 
implied  the  abrogation  of  one  of  the  most  essential 
clauses  in  the  Berlin  Treaty  of  1878,  and  en- 
larged the  sphere  of  Austria's  interests  in  the 
Balkans.  To  Russia,  who  was  still  exhausted  after 
her  war  with  Japan,  Austria's  action  was  nothing 
less  than  a  defiance.  But  as  Russia  had  no  power 
to  support  her  case,  Serbia  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  stood  alone.  The  result  of  this  was 
the  famous  Serbian  Note  of  March  31,  1909,  in 
which  the  chief  point  was  that  Serbia  formally 
and  actually  acknowledged  the  justice  of  the 
Austro- Hungarian  annexation  of  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina,  and  promised  to  adopt  in  future 
a  more  conciliatory  attitude  towards  her  great 
neighbour.'  A  more  decisive  victory  could  not 
have  been  gained  by  the  Austrian  Foreign  Office, 
chief  of  which  at  that  time  was  Count  Aehrental. 
But  even  so  it  was  clear  that  he  would  not  have 
been  able  to  force  his  policy  through  if  Germany 
had  not  supported  him  in  a  way  which  really  left 
Russia  no  choice  between  a  hopeless  war  and 
an    unquestionable    diplomatic    defeat,    of    which 

'  It  was  one  of  Austria's  strongest  accusations  in  the  note  of 
July  23,  1914,  that  Serbia  had  for  several  years  completely 
disregarded  the  note  of  1909. 


232  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

alternatives  she  chose  the  latter.  The  Kaiser, 
moreover,  made  no  secret  of  the  matter  when  he 
visited  Vienna,  a  few  weeks  after  the  publication 
of  the  Serbian  note.  On  the  contrary,  he  pro- 
claimed loudly  to  all  the  world  that  during  the 
crisis  which  had  just  been  dealt  with  in  so  satis- 
factory a  manner  he  had  placed  himself  "  in  shining 
armour  "  by  the  side  of  his  ally.  This  was  a 
speech  which  could  not  be  misinterpreted,  and 
it  furnished  a  new  proof  that  German  foreig'n 
policy  continued  in  the  same  path  which  it  took 
in  1905.  The  Kaiser  evidently  intended  in  the 
future  to  add  his  important  weight  to  the  scale 
in  accordance  with  that  previous  remark  of  his, 
which  we  have  quoted,  that  no  great  decision 
should  be  made  in  the  world  without  the  German 
Emperor's  consent. 

From  a  psychological  standpoint  this  behaviour 
was  quite  natural,  although  there  were  weighty 
objections  to  it  from  the  political  side.  The  Kaiser 
was  now  fifty  years  of  age,  and  time  had  not 
modified  to  any  appreciable  extent  the  original 
features  of  his  character.  The  self-willed  child, 
of  whom  Dr.  Hintzpeter  complained  that  he  was 
not  amenable  to  the  moral  and  spiritual  infiuences 
of  parents  or  teachers,  had  now  become  an  arbitrary 
middle-aged  man  without  any  of  those  qualities 
which  characterize  the  thoughtful  politician  or  the 
skilled  diplomatist.  He  was  neither  far-sighted, 
calculating,  nor  persevering,  and  the  whole  of  his 
art  consisted  in  staking  all  upon  one  card — and 
confiding  in  his  good  sword.  This  was  of  course 
an  excellent  policy  while  any  one  could  be  found 
who    would    allow   himself    to   be    imposed    on    by 


BEFORE   THE   GREAT   WAR  233 

it.  But  there  is  nothing  really  powerful  about  it, 
and  its  final  end  was  long  ago  expressed  in  the 
old  proverb,  "  The  pitcher  goes  to  the  well,  till 
it  comes  home  broken  at  last."  For  this  same 
reason  the  Kaiser  had  no  sympathy  with  the  pro- 
posals put  forward  by  England  between  1906  and 
191  2  for  establishing  a  "  naval  holiday  " — a  reduc- 
tion of  the  enormous  naval  armaments  which  were 
so  great  a  burden  on  both  German  and  British 
finances.  Germany  consistently  refused  to  join,  and 
in  the  Reichstag,  Chancellor  Bethmann-Hollweg 
made  a  statement  which  indicated  the  fundamental 
view  of  official  Germany  on  the  subject,  in  a 
manner  which  left  no  room  for  doubt.  "  There  is 
an  old  saying  which  still  holds  good,"  he  said, 
"  that  the  weak  are  an  easy  prey  for  the  strong. 
When  a  nation  will  not  or  cannot  go  on  spending 
enough  on  its  armaments  to  maintain  its  position 
in  the  world,  it  sinks  down  to  a  lower  level  and 
ends  by  becoming  nothing  but  a  spectator  on 
the  stage  of  the  world.  The  vital  strength  of  a 
nation  can  only  be  measured  by  its  armaments." 
The  new  Chancellor,  who  proclaimed  so  clearly 
that  Germany  intended  to  go  her  own  way,  regard- 
less of  any  peaceable  desires  or  representations 
on  the  part  of  others,  had  succeeded  Prince  Biilow 
in  the  summer  of  1909.  He  was  born  in  1856, 
and  was,  as  has  been  mentioned,  a  member  of  the 
"  Borusser  Corps  "  at  Bonn  during  the  Kaiser's 
student  days.  'His  official  career  had  been  con- 
tinuous and  painstaking,  and  he  had  risen  step  by 
step  to  the  position  of  Minister  for  Home  Affairs. 
In  this  capacity  he  had  come  into  close  relations 
with  von  Biilow,  who   frequently  made  use  of  his 


234  WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

assistance,  and  allowed  him  to  appear  on  his  behalf 
in  the  Reichstag.  The  gradual  progress  of  de- 
velopment had  made  the  position  of  Minister  for 
Home  Affairs  practically  that  of  Vice -Chancellor, 
and  there  is  no  need  to  point  out  that  this  circum- 
stance largely  contributed  to  bind  Bethmann- 
Hollweg  to  von  Biilow,  and  make  him  his  natural 
successor  in  office.  As  a  political  speaker  the 
retiring  Chancellor  was  polished  and  witty,  with 
a  certain  satirical  gift  which  never  failed  to  succeed 
even  with  an  opponent.  The  strong  point  of  the 
new  Chancellor  lay  in  his  thoroughness  and 
genuineness  ;  and  his  sound,  somewhat  academic 
speeches  were  always  listened  to  with  attention. 
But  at  bottom  he  had  a  more  sensitive  nature  than 
most  people  imagined  ;  and  there  are  probably 
few  contemporary  politicians  whom  Fate  has  used 
so  hardly,  or  who  have  so  inexorably  been  made 
the  victims  of  a  system  with  which  they  have  hardly 
a  single  moral  or  intellectual  point  of  sympathy. 
In  an  Imperial  speech  delivered  at  Konigsberg 
on  August  25,  19 10,  we  meet  this  system  again, 
the  same  as  it  was  in  earlier  autocratic  speeches. 
'Here  there  are'  no  more  restraints,  no  more  reser- 
vations. It  is  proclaimed  openly  and  exultingly 
that  in  this  city  the  Great  Elector  made  himself 
"  sovereign-duke  of  Prussia  in  his  own  right  ;  here 
his  son  Frederick  I  was  crowned,  and  thereby 
brought  Brandenburg  into  the  position  of  a  Euro- 
pean State  ;  here  Frederick  William  established 
his  authority  and  paved  the  way  for  the  greater 
Frederick  II  "  ;  and  above  all:  "  Here  once  again 
my  grandfather,  in  his  own  right,  placed  on  his 
head   the   crown   of    Prussia.      He   received   it — as 


BEFORE  THE   GREAT   WAR  235 

he  himself  asserted — by  the  grace  of  God,  not 
through  Parliaments  or  popular  assemblies.  He, 
therefore,  looked  upon  himself  as  an  instrument 
chosen  by  Heaven,  and  in  that  spirit  he  discharged 
his  duties  as  Lord  and  Ruler."  What  was  here 
said  of  the  grandfather  naturally  applied  to  the 
Kaiser  himself  also.  They  were  the  same  ideals 
which  he  had  always  preached,  and  which  he 
proclaimed   yet   again    in    defiance    of    1908. 

But  Konigsberg  was  not  only  the  cradle  of 
Prussian  absolutism.  It  was  also  the  place  of 
Germany's  resurrection  after  her  hour  of  distress 
under  Napoleon.  Full  of  enthusiasm,  the  Kaiser 
dwelt  on  the  memory  of  his  great-grandmother, 
Queen  Louisa,  "  Prussia's  good  genius,"  whom  he 
idealized  in  a  fashion  which  history  no  longer 
recognizes  as  legitimate.  He  stated  that  what 
should  be  learnt  from  Prussia  in  the  time  of  her 
distress  was  simply  "  that  in  view  of  the  enormous 
strides  our  opponents  have  made,  our  armour  must 
be  without  flaw.  Our  peace  depends  solely  on 
the  fact  that  we  are  armed."  All  this  was  just 
a  new  variation  of  his  earlier  words,  and  of 
the  views  expressed  in  the  Chancellor's  speech — 
childish  and  primitive  conceptions  of  things,  empty 
assertions  modified  neither  by  time  nor  changing 
circumstances. 

It  was  in  this  frame  of  mind  that  he  made  "  the 
Panther's  leap"'  in  the  spring  of  191 1.  The 
result  was  a  summer  full  of  international  agitation, 

•  The  popular  designation  for  the  dispatch  of  the  warship 
Panther  to  the  port  of  Agadir  in  Morocco — an  incident  which  the 
world  first  became  aware  of  when  the  Panther  was  lying  in 
Agadir's  roadstead. 


236  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

which  'several  times  brought  Europe  to  the  brink 
of  a  world-war.  The  utter  shortsightedness  of  his 
policy  was  now  evident.  The  trump  cards  of 
1905  and  1909  were  no  longer  of  any  service. 
The  Trij)le  Entente  was  an  indisputable  fact,  the 
might  of  which  left  no  way  open  save  retreat. 
The  Morocco  Agreement  of  November  4,  191 1, 
was  a  pubhc  confirmation  of  this.  From  there 
the  road  led,  through  the  two  Balkan  wars,  straight 
to  'the  events  of  the  summer  of   191 4. 

With  the  material  now  available  we  can  only 
indicate  the  main  lines  of  the  picture  presented 
by  Germany  during  those  three  years  which  lay 
between  the  Morocco  Agreement  and  the  outbreak 
of  the  Great  War.  Against  this  background  the 
Kaiser  shows  out  more  strikingly  than  before 
because  he  obviously  stands  more  and  more  alone 
— a  singular  prelude  to  the  shadowy  existence  he 
was  to  lead  during   the   war  itself. 

M.  Jules  Cambon,  formerly  French  Ambassador 
at  Berlin,  in  the  first  part  of  the  French  "  Yellow 
Book,"  which  covers  the  time  between  March  17 
and  November  22,  1913,  has  given  us  a  study  of 
national  psychology  which  is  of  great  value  for 
the  comprehension  of  German  feeling  during  the 
years  immediately  preceding  the  war.  It  may  be 
objected  that  the  picture  is  one-sided,  and  it 
is  fair  to  add  that  its  accuracy  is  disputed  in 
German  quarters.  But  it  is  none  the  less  a  fact 
that  the  Great  War  has  proved  its  co.rrectness  on 
a  number  of  points,  and  that  the  opinions  ad- 
vanced by  M.  Gambon  have  been  supported  by 
other  authors,  among  them  Baron  Beyens,  former 
Belgian  Ambassador  ifi  Berlin,   in  his  interesting 


BEFORE   THE   GREAT   WAR  237 

book  "  L'Allemagne  ava,nt  la  Guerre."  '  M. 
Cambon's  report,  which  will  always  retain  the 
interest  attaching  to  a  contemporary  document,  is 
essentially  as   follows:  — 

From  the  time  of  the  Morocco  conflict  up  to 
the  present  year  [191 3]  an  unfriendly  feeling 
towards  us  Frenchmen  has  ruled  in  Germany.  The 
German  nation  cannot  forget  that  on  that  occasion 
we  did  not  retreat,  and  the  decision  which  we  made 
later  with  regard  to  a  tjiree  years'  military  service 
has  distinctly  increased  the  general  resentment 
against  us.  This  is  especially  noticeable  now 
during  the  Centenary  festivities,^  and  the  nation 
is  constantly  reminded  by  means  of  patriotic 
speeches  that  France  is  the  hereditary  enemy — just 
as  she  was  a  hundred  years  ago.  Nor  is  it  only 
France  which  is  threatened  with  war  ;  it  is  also 
lianging  over  the  head  of  Russia.  The  plan  of 
the  German  General  Staff  is,  that  Germany  should 
try  to  gain  a  march  on  both  her  chief  opponents 
the  instant  a  crisis  arises  which  is  at  all  likely 
to  develop  into  a  European  war.  It  would  thus 
be  necessary  for  Germany  to  strike  without  delay 
before  her  opponents  have  had  time  to  make  the 
necessary  preparations. 

Stupendous  efforts  have  been  made  to  prepare 
national  feeli^ig  for  the  next  war,  and  in  wide  and 
important  circles  of  society  they  have  already 
established  themselves.  The  nobility  and  the  land- 
owners— in  other  words  the  Junker  Party  whose 
family   interests   and  social   prestige   is   essentially 

'  Appeared  in  the  autumn  of  19 15,  and  recently  translated  into 
English. 

'  This  refers  to  the  festivities  in  1913,  in  memory  of  the  rising 
against  Napoleon  in  1813. 


238  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

affected  by  a  war — have  made  up  their  minds  to 
fight.  The  upper  middle  class  has  not  the  same 
direct  interest  in  a  war  as  the  Junkers  ;  but  from 
0.  social  point  of  view  they  also  look  upon  war 
as  a  necessity,  to  check  the  insubordination  of  the 
labouring  class  by  breaking  the  power  of  France, 
the  home  of  all  revolutionary  propaganda.  Also 
there  are  those  persons  who  are  directly  interested 
in  war,  the  business  men  and  owners  of  factories, 
makers  of  cannon  and  armour-plates,  bankers  who 
speculate  in  a  new  age  of  gold  based  on  the 
next  war  indemnity,  the  great  merchants  and  those 
who  are  always  on  the  look-out  for  new  markets. 
These  are  joined  by  the  official  classes  who  repre- 
sent all  ranks  and  all  shades  of  opinion  ;  by  the 
universities  and  the  higher  seats  of  learning  ;  by 
writers  on  history,  philosophy,  and  poHtics — all  the 
typical  advocates  of  their  *'  Kultur,"  the  aim  of 
which  is  to  compel  the  rest  of  humanity  into  a 
special  German  form  of   thought. 

On  the  other  side  stands  the  great  army  of 
workmen,  mechanics,  and  small  tradesmen,  all  of 
them  friends  of  peace,  by  instinct  and  interest 
alike,  but  who  are  not  sufficiently  organized  to 
offer  the  right  resistance  at  the  decisive  moment. 
In  the  Reichstag  there  are  iio  Social  Democrats, 
who  are  all  partisans  of  peace.  But  at  present 
they  are  not  in  a  position  to  prevent  war.  Rather 
is  there  reason  to  believe  that  they  will  be  swept 
along  by  the  general  agitation.  Therefore  the 
war  must  be  precipitated — before  the  Socialists 
become  so  strong  that  they  can  stop  it  once  and 
for  all.  The  question  is  now.  What  attitude  did 
the  Kaiser  adopt  towards  this  profound  agitation 


BEFORE  THE   GREAT   WAR  239 

in  the  German  nation,  which  a  keen-sighted 
foreigner,  with  good  opportunities  for  obtaining 
information,   was  able  to  grasp  so  correctly? 

To  this  it  must  be  answered  that  a  certain 
phase  of  development  can  now  be  observed  in 
him — a  development  in  the  direction  of  war — 
evidently  a  painful  development,  marked  by  doubts 
and  inward  struggles,  but  one  which  inexorably 
and  increasingly  took  possession  of  this  creature 
of  impulse,  who  for  almost  a  generation  has  per- 
suaded his  credulous  contemporaries  into  the 
strange  psychological  mistake  of  supposing  that 
he  is   a  strong  personality. 

At  the  time  of  which  we  now  speak  official 
and  influential  Europe  had  long  recovered  from 
the  delusion.  King  Edward  went  to  his  grave  in 
the  firm  conviction  that  William  II  would  never 
give  orders  to  mobilize  the  German  Army. 
Clemenceau  summed  him  up  in  the  one  word 
pacifiste,  and  the  well-known  contributor  to  the 
Figaro,  Jean  Huret,  in  1907  brought  home  this 
impression  from  Potsdam,  that  "  the  real  nature 
of  the  Kaiser  is  that  of  a  coward."  '  This  view, 
which  expressed  the  feeling  in  leading  military 
circles  in  Potsdam  and  Berlin,  aroused  Harden's 
fury,  and  in  a  scathing  article  in  the  Zukunft, 
under  the  title  of  Wilhelm  der  Friedliche,-  he 
ridiculed  the  bare  idea  that  influential  people  in 
Germany  could  entertain  such  a  view,  though  it 
was  obvious  that  he  himself  was  inclined  to  share 
it,  and  that,  at  any  rate,  he  found  that  there  were 
many  plausible  grounds  for  it.     But  he  hinted  that 

'  La  vraie  nature  de  I'Empereur  est  celle  d'un  timide. 
'  William  the  Peaceful. 


240  WILLIAM  THE   SECOND 

if  this  feeling  should  show  itself  so  markedly  to 
the  Kaiser  that  he  did  not  dare  to  maintain  the 
nation's  lawful  rights,  then  in  that  case  the  nation 
would  have  to  defend  them  itself.  The  words 
are  significant  as  showing  what  was  thought 
possible  on  the  Kaiser's  part  in  the  way  of  devotion 
to  peace,  in  spite  of  his  warlike  words.  It  is 
known  that  during  the  Morocco  crisis  in  the  autumn 
of  1 9 1  I  the  Kaiser  was  in  favour  of  the  amicable 
solution  which  had  been  recommended  by  the 
Chancellor  in  the  Reichstag,  though  it  is  also  an 
open  secret  that  Germany  at  that  time  was  finan- 
cially unprepared  for  war,  and  this  was  a  strong 
additional  reason  for  the  cloud  passing  by.  In 
1 9 1 2  his  tone  became  slightly  stronger,  notably 
at  a  banquet  given  in  Berlin  to  the  superior  officers 
of  the  3rd  Brandenburg  Army  Corps  :  "  Pro- 
tected against  hostile  arrogance  and  belligerent 
assaults  by  a  growing  Fleet  and  an  Army  ready 
for  battle,  the  peasant  may  go  to  his  field,  the 
merchant,  the  manufacturer,  and  the  mechanic  to 
their  respective  occupations,  and  the  workman  may 
depend  upon  his  well-earned  wage." 

The  remark  is  of  interest,  not  because  it  throws 
any  new  light  upon  the  actual  situation,  which,  in 
fact,  contained  no  justification  for  it,  but  as  an 
expression  of  feeling  which  reflected  the  forces 
working  at  the  time  within  the  German  nation. 
It  was  therefore  only  a  continuation  of  the  same 
train  of  thought,  when  immediately  after  he  ex- 
pressed his  firm  conviction  that  the  men  of 
Brandenburg  would  always  gather  under  the 
banners  whenever  King  and  Fatherland  should 
summon  them. 


BEFORE   THE   GREAT   WAR  241 

But  his  real  change  of  mind  first  appeared  in 
191  3 — a  dangerous  year  with  great  temptations  for 
such  an  impulsive  nature  as  his,  even  under  normal 
conditions,  and  more  especially  at  a  time  when 
powerful  forces  in  the  nation  were  preparing  them- 
selves for  a  new  "  War  of  Liberty  "  against  the 
hereditary  enemy  of  1813.  The  atmosphere 
became  too  heated  for  him.  There  were  too 
many  festivals,  too  many  anniversaries — too  many 
words.  He  was  carried  away  by  the  force  of 
circumstances,  and  at  last  he  was  no  longer  the 
same  man.  Cambon  confirms  this  change  in  his 
report  of  November  22,  191 3,  which  contains 
further  particulars  of  the  famous  conversation 
between  the  Kaiser  and  the  King  of  the  Belgians 
in  the  presence  of  General  Moltke  some  weeks 
before." 

"  Hostility  against  us  is  becoming  more 
marked,"  writes  the  Ambassador,  "  and  the  Kaiser 
has  ceased  to  be  a  partisan  of  peace.  William  H 
has  come  to  the  conclusion  that  war  with  France 
is  unavoidable  and  that  it  will  have  to  come  some 
day."  M.  Cambon  therefore  advised  his  Govern- 
ment to  take  into  account  the  new  fact  that  the 
Emperor  was  becoming  familiar  with  ideas  which 
formerly  repelled  him. 2  It  appears  from  Baron 
Beyens'  book  that  M.  Cambon  is  indebted  to  him 
for  his  knowledge  of  this  conversation,  and  that 
he,  as  well  as  his  colleague,  saw  clearly  that  they 
were  facing  an  entirely  new  situation. 

William    II,    who,    in    spite    of    all    his    warlike 

'  November  6,  1913. 

'  Cf.  his  conversation  reported  above  with  that  with  Jules 
Simon,  p.  71. 

17 


242  WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

speeches,  on  many  former  occasions,  had  ranged 
himself  on  the  side  of  peace,  was  now  in  the  heart 
of  the  war  party.  Powerless  to  resist  any  longer, 
he  floated  with  the  stream  down  towards  the  great 
issue. 

"  He  is  not  happy,"  says  Beyens,  who  quotes 
several  remarks  from  direct  conversations  with  him. 
"  He  is  serious,  almost  bitter,  and  full  of  reproaches 
against  France.  But  he  retains  two  illusions  which 
keep  him  calm  and  sure  of  victory  in  the  face 
of  the  inevitable. 

"  He  knows  from  high  authority  at  the  Russian 
Court  that  the  alliance  between  Russia  and  France 
will  not  stand  the  strain  of  a  possible  Franco- 
German  War,  and  as  for  England,  he  is  confident 
that  she  will  remain  neutral." 

Thus  far  we  are  able  to  follow  him,  supported 
by  positive  remarks  made  by  himself  in  conversa- 
tions with  well-known  men.  Here  he  stood  when 
the  double  murder  at  Serajevo  heralded  the 
catastrophe  which  was   to  come. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

WILLIAM   THE   PROBLEM 

When  the  Great  War  broke  out  William  II  had 
reigned  for  twenty-six  years. 

During  the  whole  of  that  time  he  had  been 
what  we  will  call  in  three  words  William  the 
Problem — the  great  enigma  of  the  time  which  cast 
its  spell  over  believers  and  unbelievers  alike,  and 
the  grip  of  which  they  could  not  shake  off.  Shortly 
before  his  death  in  1892  Ernest  Renan  regretted 
that  he  had  to  depart  this  life  without  knowing 
the  solution  of  it.  In  1891  Ega  de  Queiroz,'  one 
of  the  finest  essayists  of  Portugal,  says  he  can 
imagine  no  other  outcome  than  a  European  war. 
Tolstoi  lays  no  small  part  of  the  blame  for  the 
inordinate  dimensions  to  which  the  Problem  grew 
upon  the  uncritical  spirit  of  the  times,  and  benevo- 
lent William  Stead,  comparatively  soon  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  was  not  really  very  profound. 
The  history  of  Germany,  as  we  have  sketched  it 
in  the  preceding  chapters,  tells  the  same  tale  on 
every  single  page,  notwithstanding  the  official  culti- 
vation of  fetishes  and  the  "  Byzantine  "  admira- 
tion of  the  people  as  a  whole.  At  the  present 
time  the  Problem  has  lost  its  interest — not  because 

'  Died  in  1900. 
243 


244  WILLIAM   THE    SECOND 

the  unbelievers  have  facts  to  their  hand  which 
the  believers  do  not  yet  believe,  but  because  the 
Problem  itself  is  out  of  date  as  a  serious  factor 
in  the  life  of  our  generation — because  the  stupen- 
dous seriousness  of  the  hour  has  no  use  for  speech- 
making.  We  have  reached,  so  to  speak,  the  fifth 
act  of  "  Hamlet."  From  the  trenches  of  to-day 
fragments  of  wreckage  are  thrown  up  to  us — parts 
of  the  skeleton  of  European  history  during  the  last 
generation — all  contributing  to  the  solution  of 
William  the  Problem.  As  we  look  at  these  more 
closely  we  recognize  them,  as  Hamlet  recognized 
the  skull  of  "  poor  Yorick  "  in  the  famous  grave- 
yard scene. 

History  can  afford  to  be  more  just  towards 
William  H  than  he  has  been  towards  others.  It 
is  willing  to  believe  his  word  when  he  declares — 
as  he  has  done,  not  once  but  many  times — that  he 
ascended  the  throne  with  the  best  intentions  and 
a  firm  determination  to  safeguard  the  peace  and 
secure  the  welfare  of  his  country.  But  at  the 
same  time  it  is  prepared  to  maintain,  with  the 
hard  facts  of  six  and  twenty  years  before  it,  that 
the  realization  of  these  intentions  has  been 
attempted  amid  such  confusion  of  conflicting 
ideas  and  self-contradictions,  so  much  instability 
and  hesitation,  both  in  theory  and  practice,  all 
supported  by  such  a  constant  refrain  of  assurances, 
"  I  am  on  the  right  course,"  that  one  day  inevitably 
it  was  bound  to  end  in  a  catastrophe. 

William  II,  by  virtue  of  gifts  and  qualities  which, 
unfortunately,  were  so  subdivided  that  they  prac- 
tically produced  no  effect,  very  quickly  reached 
the    point    of    being    something   of    a   problem.     It 


WILLIAM    THE   PROBLEM  245 

is  in  this  capacity  that  he  has  interested  humanity 
in  a  deeper  sense.  People  have  discussed  him  and 
formed  theories  about  him  "  as  there  are  theories 
about  magnetism,  influenza,  and  the  planet  Mars."  ' 
The  only  difference  is  that  while  in  the  course  of 
years  certain  definite  results  had  been  reached 
even  with  regard  to  the  planet  Mars,  William  the 
Problem  was  exactly  the  same  enigma  in  the 
summer  of  1 9 1 4  as  he  was  in  the  summer  of 
1888.  People  had  certainly  become  more  familiar 
with  its  various  aspects,  but  there  was  no  means 
of  establishing  any  general  rule.  His  speeches, 
which,  even  in  1902,  amounted,  according  to  a 
German  computation,  to  "  well  over  four  hundred," 
and  can  now  probably  be  estimated  at  one  thousand 
at  the  least,  help  us  very  little.  Neither  in  them- 
selves nor  with  regard  to  the  Problem  can  they 
be  said  to  enrich  mankind  either  morally  or 
spiritually.  No  one  after  reading  them  will  carry 
away  any  impression  of  that  modesty  of  character 
which  is  the  most  unmistakable  sign  of  a  great 
soul.  No  one  will  learn  from  them  the  difficult  art 
of  self-criticism  or  enlarge  his  political  wisdom 
with  a  single  idea  or  enrich  his  fancy  with  a  single 
image.  They  are  as  barren  as  a  barrack  square, 
full  of  words  and  phrases  in  full  uniform  march- 
ing up  in  review  order.  They  flash  and  crackle 
with  summer  lightning  and  unexpected  explosions, 
but  they  kindle  no  real  fire,  because  behind  them 
there  is  neither  a  mighty  spirit  nor  a  mighty  heart. 
It  is  only  when  he  speaks  of  the  sea  that  now 
and  then  a  trace  of  genuine  feeling  comes  into 
them  ;  but  it  is  not  long  before  the  voice  of 
'  Quotation  from  da  Quciroz. 


246  WILLIAM  THE   SECOND 

command  breaks  in  and  spoils  everything.  As 
a  preacher,  he  has  an  Old  Testament  wealth  of 
expression  which  is  not  without  a  temporary  effect, 
even  on  the  mind  of  a  reader.  But  the  oratorical 
structure  is  not  strong  enough  either  in  thought 
or  feeling  to  carry  such  a  load,  and  the  conse- 
quence is  that  it  all  collapses  in  a  turmoil  of 
words.  The  reason  for  this  is  manifest  to  every 
one  who  has  attempted  to  form  a  personal  opinion 
on  the  Problem.  Its  purpose  in  the  world — as 
far  as  can  yet  be  discerned — is  to  serve  as  a 
typical  contradiction,  loaded  with  conceptions  and 
theories  which  humanity  has  long  since  outgrown, 
and  within  the  narrow  circle  of  which  all  living 
things  die.  Thus  there  is  all  the  more  room  left 
for  it.  It  fills  the  horizon,  not  in  virtue  of  its 
originality  but  because  of  its  unusualness,  and 
instead  of  imprinting  itself  on  the  age  the  Problem 
itself  varies  according  to  the  shifting  circumstances 
of  the  hour.  Here  we  touch  on  a  central  point 
in  William  II,  his  moral  and  spiritual  incomplete- 
ness— or,  in  other  words,  just  those  qualities  which 
have  made  him  a  problem.  In  him  as  in  Hamlet 
there  are  elements  of  various  men,  and  it  is  chance 
that  determines  which  of  them  predominates. 
Events  come  and  go.  One  after  another  situations 
arise  which  would  seem  to  compel  a  change.  Now 
we  must  surely  see  something  !  But  that  which 
Nora  I  calls  "  the  marvellous  "  may  keep  us  wait- 
ing from  year  to  year.  Even  the  Great  War  has 
not  given  us  the  solution  of  the  Problem. 

What  is  the  reason  of  this? 

Because  his  capacity  for  development  has  never 

'  "  The  Doll's  House,"  by  Ibsen. 


WILLIAM   THE    PROBLEM  247 

extended  beyond  the  range  of  the  remarkable.  But 
on  this  lower  plane  of  human  perfection  it  can  be 
freely  admitted  that  he  has  performed  the  in- 
credible. On  the  strength  of  a  versatility  in  powers 
and  interests  which  excludes  everything  that  can 
be  called  originality  or  profundity,  he  has  come 
to  be  regarded  as  an  authority  on  subjects  upon 
which  other  men  have  laboured  all  their  lives  and 
yet  freely  admit  that  they  have  not  mastered  them. 
With  a  beaming  assurance  which  is  fostered  as 
much  by  his  inborn  childishness  as  by  his  exalted 
position  he  has  misinterpreted  in  the  most  unique 
fashion  the  classic  phrase  "  Nothing  that  is  human 
is  alien  to  me."  The  beautiful  attitude  of  mind 
which  conceived  the  thought  has  been  changed  in 
him  to  a  matter-of-fact  notion.  Through  his 
striking  journalistic  gifts,  coupled  with  bodily 
endurance  far  above  the  ordinary,  he  has  found 
opportunity  for  expressing  his  views  on  all  the 
great  questions  of  the  time  and  many  of  the  lesser 
ones — all  with  an  easy  unaffectedness  which  simply 
makes  other  people  feel  absolutely  ashamed  of 
themselves. 

Socialism?  "  Leave  Socialism  to  me.  I  will 
soon  dispose  of  that." 

Woman's  purpose  in  the  world?  "  Kirche,  Kuche, 
Kinder:'  i  What  a  pity  that  Stuart  Mill  did  not 
live  to  hear  this  marvellous  formula  in  three  K's, 
as  simple  as  the  ^'g%  of  Columbus. 

The  great  aim  of  religion?  "  To  make  good 
soldiers,  of  course.  There  is  no  good  soldier  who 
is  not  a  good  Christian." 

The   eight   greatest   men   who   have   ever   lived? 

*  Church,  kitchen,  children, 


248  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 


"  Hammurabi,'  Abraham,  Moses,  Homer,  Luther, 
Shakespeare,  Goethe,  and  the  Emperor  William 
the  Great." 

Examples  could  be  multiplied.  To  every  ques- 
tion he  has  an  answer  ready,  partly  because  he 
himself  is  an  adept  in  the  art  of  questioning,  and 
he  delivers  his  answers  to  the  stupefaction  of  the 
public.  The  consequence  is  that  for  years  he 
has  made  a  disproportionate  impression  on  his 
fellow-men,  especially  those  who  have  come  into 
direct  contact  with  him,  and  also  on  the  millions 
and  millions  who  have  only  had  the  opportunity 
of  watching  him  from  the  gallery.  Admiration 
has  spread  from  the  nearest  to  the  farthest, 
encouraged  by  the  worst  and  the  most  corrupt 
examples.  It  has  degraded  literature,  the  Press, 
the  pulpit,  and  public  education  in  a  way  which 
has  no  parallel  in  our  time,  and  has  created  a 
particular  kind  of  eloquence,  loud-voiced  and  un- 
discerning,  armed  with  catchwords  from  the 
Imperial  arsenal.  What  has  been  thus  accom- 
plished in  Germany,  especially  in  that  "William  II  " 
literature,  with  its  constant  tendency  to  increase, 
is  calculated  to  make  even  an  unprejudiced 
German  feel  ill  at  ease.  "  These  books  and 
pamphlets,"  says  Count  Reventlow  in  his  well- 
known  book  Kaiser  Wilhelm  II  and  die  Byzan- 
tiner,  exhibit  all  shades  of  admiration  from  the 
most  fulsome  and  unblushing  praise  to  the  most 
refined  methods  of  what  in  mathematics  is  called 
the  indirect  proof."  He  points  out  how  this 
spiritual  infection  breeds  and  spreads,  and  there 
is  abundant  evidence  that  he  does  not  stand  alone 
'  A  Babylonian  king,  born  2267,  died  2213  b.c, 


^; 


WILLIAM   THE    PROBLEM  249 

in  his  observations.  The  mischief  goes  beyond 
the  frontier,  and  one  fine  day  there  springs  up 
somewhere  abroad  a  brilliant  toadstool  which  is 
immediately  imported  and  exhibited  as  a  flower 
for  the  inspection  and  admiration  of  the  nation. 
One  example  will  illustrate  the  fact.  Some  years 
ago  a  little  Dutch  provincial  paper  contained  the 
following  tribute  to  the  Kaiser,  which  immediately 
made  the  round  of  the  official  German  Press  as 
representing  opinion  abroad  : — 

"  He  is  endowed  with  mental  gifts  which  exceed 
those  of  all  prominent  figures  of  our  age.  From 
the  Great  Elector  he  has  inherited  his  intrepidity 
and  his  inflexibility  ;  from  Frederick  I  his  love 
of  show  and  pageantry  ;  from  Frederick  William  I 
his  strong  feelings  of  duty  and  responsibility  ; 
from  Frederick  II  his  high  wisdom,  his  keen  diplo- 
matic intelligence,  his  love  of  art  and  beauty. 
Through  ceaseless  labour  he  has  formed  an  opinion 
of  his  own  on  German  history,  on  the  development 
of  German  strength  and  German  intellect,  on 
German  art  and  literature.  He  is  familiar  with 
the  latest  problems  in  natural  science  ;  he  under- 
stands economic  conditions  throughout  the  world  ; 
he  is  fully  experienced  in  all  branches  of  military 
service  and  in  the  affairs  of  the  Navy.  He  is  a 
connoisseur  in  music  and  the  plastic  arts,  and 
besides  all  this  he  has  found  time  for  hunting  and 
sport.  Everything  that  he  undertakes  bears  the 
stamp  of  thoroughness  and  permanency.  What 
he  knows,  he  knows  completely.  Every  word  which 
is  spoken  by  a  man  of  such  proportions  deserves 
to  be  heard." 

This   quotation   gives   us   in   a   word   the    secret 


250  WILLIAM   THE  SECOND 

of  William  the  Problem  which  for  years  has 
been  impregnating  the  minds  of  this  genera- 
tion with  the  most  supreme  contempt,  not  only 
for  facts  but  also  for  human  intelligence.  Un- 
fettered spirits  among  the  great  civilized  nations — 
not  least  in  Germany — have  attempted,  time  after 
time,  to  reduce  the  problem  to  its  proper  dimen- 
sions, which  is  equal  to  saying  that  they  would 
take  it  out  of  the  field  of  discussion.  But  that 
unlucky  tendency  to  the  cult  of  the  individual 
which  is  so  deeply  rooted  in  the  German  nation, 
together  with  the  robust  tenacity  they  exhibit  when 
it  is  a  question  of  gaining  admittance  for  something 
of  their  own  to  the  notice  of  strangers,  has 
naturally  made  the  efforts  of  independent 
characters  quite  fruitless.  It  has  flattered  the 
self-esteem  of  the  Germans  to  know  that  their 
Kaiser  was  the  most  discussed  of  the  world's 
potentates.  They  have  advertised  him  from  one 
country  to  another  as  they  have  advertised  their 
motors,  their  dyestuffs,  and  their  toys,  without  per- 
ceiving that  the  position  was  not  exactly  the  same. 
U riser  Kaiser  was  unique.  He  could  repeat  the 
names  of  all  the  Assyrian  kings  ;  he  knew  every- 
thing about  Germany,  both  in  ancient  and  modern 
times  ;  he  could  draw  and  compose,  conduct  an 
orchestra,  deliver  sermons  and  lectures,  instruct 
actors,  and  undertake  demonstrations  in  the  art 
of  cookery.  In  a  word,  he  had  most  of  the 
attributes  which  have  never  been  considered  neces- 
sary for  the  head  of  a  State,  and  he  had  not  the 
one  great  gift  of  leading  his  people  safely  and 
steadily  through  times  of  transition.  But  there 
were    comparatively    few    who    realized   this.       By 


WILLIAM   THE    PROBLEM  251 

indulging  freely  in  all  these  remarkable  tastes,  by 
cultivating  the  national  love  of  advertisement 
instead  of  restraining  it,  by  parading  his  uniforms 
and  his  colours  over  a  whole  continent,  and  raising 
altars  to  deceased  Hohenzollerns  from  the  North 
Cape  to  Corfu,  he  gradually  became  to  the  average 
German  something  like  a  conqueror's  banner,  which 
acted  upon  the  man  in  the  street  as  the  crescent 
acted  on  the  Turks  in  the  days  of  the  Caliphate. 

In  diesem  Bau  giebst  du  der  Welt  ein  Zeichen  ! 
Dein  WoUen  steigt  anf  fliigelstarker  Spur. 
Am  Schwert  die  Faust,  ein  Schildherr  ohne  Gleichen 
Bist  du  ein  Mehrer  schaffender  Kultur.^ 

This  verse  was  undoubtedly  "  made  in 
Germany,"  or  to  put  it  more  exactly,  it  was 
evolved  quite  spontaneously  under  the  spiked 
helmet  of  a  poetic  major,  who  did  nothing  more 
or  less  than  transform  one  of  the  many  Imperial 
speeches  into  verse.  But  the  meaning  is  clear 
enough . 

Cave!  Adsum!  Thus  Prince  William  threatened 
Bismarck  in  the  middle  of  the  'eighties.  He  had 
ruled  through  the  'nineties  in  accordance  with 
that  threat,  and  now  on  the  threshold  of  the 
twentieth  century  the  same  warning  sounded  like 
an  echo  of  the  Weltpolitik,  with  its  head 
strong  ambition.  Bismarck  had  smiled  at  "  the 
formidableness  of  youth,"  and  official  Europe  had 
seen  so  many  extraordinary  results  of  the  Imperial 
zigzag  policy  that  it  had  gradually  come  to  look 
upon  ■  him    as    a    harmless    paclfiste   who    had    not 

'  From   the    "  Prologue "   on   the   Inauguration   Day    of    the 
Reichs-Limes  Museum. 


252  WILLIAM    THE    SECOND 

conquered  a  bad  habit  of  clanking  his  sword  and 
spurs  in  a  somewhat  noisy  manner.  The  German 
Navy  Act  with  its  extensive  programme,  the  agita- 
tion with  regard  to  the  Fleet,  and  the  new  colonial 
policy  as  we  have  indicated  them  in  their  main 
features,  the  intensified  displeasure  of  the  nation 
under  the  strain  of  the  disappointments  it  has 
suffered,  not  so  much  as  a  result  of  the  action  of 
others  as  because  of  the  Kaiser's  own  words — all 
these  became  elements  in  favour  of  William  II 
in  his  official  capacity  as  representative  of  the 
German  nation,  and  bore  witness  to  an  increasing 
power  which  foreign  States  were  bound  to  con- 
sider in  their  political  calculations.  It  was  there- 
fore by  no  accident  that  the  Entente  efforts 
which  brought  France  and  England  together  in 
1904,  and  which  in  1907  welded  in  Russia 
as  a  link  in  the  same  chain,  took  their  per- 
manent shape  during  the  ten  years  immediately 
following  the  first  great  Navy  Act.  Never 
had  William  IPs  policy  been  more  ostentatious 
than  during  these  years.  Involuntarily  the  Great 
Powers  yielded  step  by  step.  One  dramatic 
victory  after  another  was  won.  There  was  the 
affair  of  Tangiers,  with  its  humiliation  for  France. 
There  was  the  "  shining  arm.our  "  episode,  with 
its  equally  undoubted  humiliation  for  Russia. 
There  was  the  neutralization  of  the  second  Hague 
Conference — an  act  of  vital  importance  to  the 
armament  policy,  without  which  it  could  not  go 
or  undisturbed.  But  in  the  midst  of  all  this, 
international  indignation  grew  stronger  and 
stronger  without  the  majority  of  the  German 
nation    seeming    to    notice    it.     The    "  Morocco  " 


WILLIAM    THE    PROBLEM  253 

summer  of  191  i  threw  a  strong  ray  of  light  on 
the  dangerous  policy  which  was  practised  in  virtue 
of  William  the  Problem.  But  instead  of  sweeping 
in  front  of  its  own  door — a  task  which,  for  obvious 
reasons,  does  not  appeal  to  a  nation  which  is 
constantly  busy  outside  the  doors  of  others — the 
nation  did  not  learn  anything  from  what  had  hap- 
pened, Europe  must  be  made  to  understand  that 
she  was  on  the  brink  of  a  great  issue,  and  in  order 
that  no  one  should  be  in  doubt  as  to  its  meaning 
General  von  Bernhardi  dismounted  from  his 
charger    and    wrote    Deutschland    und    der   ndchste 

Side  by  side  with  all  this  there  was  still  an 
interchange  of  empty  phrases  and  high-flown 
words,  not  only  between  the  Kaiser  and  his 
"  dynastic  guests,"  but  also  between  representatives 
of  the  various  nations — the  reciprocal  visit  of  the 
German  and  British  journalists  in  1907  being  one 
of  the  most  illustrative  examples.  But  these 
exceptions  only  serve  to  emphasize  the  rule.  They 
were  carried  out  in  so  conspicuous  a  manner  as  to 
confirm  an  impression  of  previous  arrangement. 
People  could  not  get  rid  of  the  disastrous 
"  Beware  !  I  am  at  hand  !  "  In  this  way  the 
Kaiser  gradually  grew  to  be  among  his  own  people 
something  almost  supernatural.  We  have  men- 
tioned the  natural  explanations  of  the  phenomenon 
— the  thoughtlessness  and  folly  of  the  masses,  the 
sharaelessness  of  the  Byzantine  Press,  the  degrada- 
tion of  literature,  of  public  worship,  and  of  public 
education  in  the  service  of  the  Hohenzollern  cult. 
But  there  is  also  another  fact  of  importance  which 
^  "  Germany  and  the  Next  War." 


254  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

has  to  be  taken  into  account — a  mental  con- 
nection which  forms  a  link  between  William  II 
and  the  German  nation  and  which  is  its  out- 
ward, if  not  exactly  its  inward,  strength  to-day. 
William  II  did  not  come  headlong  in  among  the 
German  people  as,  for  example.  Napoleon  did 
among  the  French — almost  a  foreigner,  but  one 
who  knew  how  to  play  on  every  chord  in  them  with 
the  facility  of  a  virtuoso.  On  the  contrary,  he 
had  grown  organically  out  of  it,  and  he  shared 
its  good  and  bad  qualities — its  tenacity,  its  energy, 
its  importunate  benevolence,  its  set  phrases,  and 
its  official  conception  of  life.  There  is  nothing 
in  him  of  that  Germany  which  in  Sturm  und 
Drang  "  had  raised  new  ideals  in  the  development 
of  the  generations  and  to  which  the  world  will 
remain  indebted  for  all  tune,  in  spite  of  the  ruined 
Library  of  Louvain  and  the  battered  Cathedral  of 
Rheims.  It  is  sufficient  to  mention  in  this  connec- 
tion that  on  Schiller's  Day  in  1905 — amid  the 
celebrations  of  that  important  anniversary,  which 
was  something  of  an  international  event — he  found 
no  greater  or  more  worthy  task  than  that  of  hold- 
ing a  military  review  in  Strassburg.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  is  a  modern  Berlin  citizen  intensified, 
and  he  draws  the  majority  after  him  through  the 
labyrinth  of  his  ideas — ideas  more  startling  than 
really  original — because  the  whole  thing  goes  at 
such  lightning  speed  and  with  such  a  constantly 
changing  programme.  Er  ist  ein  moderner 
Mensch  2  was  the  judgment  passed  upon  him 
by  a  conspicuous  member  of  the  Reichstag  during 
a  sitting  some  years  ago.  The  expression  is  excel- 
'  Storm  and  stress.  =  He  is  a  modern  man. 


WILLIAM   THE   PROBLEM  255 

lent — if  the  word  "  modern  "  be  taken  in  its  least 
exalted  meaning.  It  is  in  truth  this  which  makes 
William  II  the  typical  German  he  is,  and  also 
an  ordinary  citizen  of  the  world.  He  represents 
the  spirit  of  the  age — its  self-advertisement,  its 
smartness,  its  competitive  eagerness,  and,  not  least, 
its  untiring  energy  in  making  and  breaking 
records.  He  is  at  once  the  nation's  referee,  who 
follows  it  all  the  world  over,  stop-watch  in  hand, 
and  announces  the  results,  and  the  Imperial 
Champion  who  has  long  held  the  world's  record 
for  unexpectedness  and  who  has  already,  in  the 
first  lap,  easily  spurted  past  half  a  score  of  his 
royal   "  cousins." 

But  even  all  this  is  not  enough  to  make  him  a 
problem. 

The  enigmatical — or  to  speak  less  ceremoniously 
— the  interesting  side  of  him  first  shows  at  the 
moment  when  all  this  modem  intensity  combines 
with  a  conception  of  authority  which  men  left 
behind  them  centuries  ago,  and  which  has  no  real 
meaning  for  a  modem  man. 

The  point  of  departure  can  be  expressed  in 
the  famous  words,  "  We  Hohenzo Herns  owe  our 
position  to  God  alone,  and  before  God  alone  are 
we  responsible  for  the  duties  it  involves  "  ;  and 
the  proof  can  be  shown  in  the  no  less  charac- 
teristic words,  "  Soldiers  and  armies,  not  parlia- 
mentary majorities  and  resolutions,  have  welded 
the  German  Empire  together." 

Upon  these  quite  primitive  theories,  of  which 
the  first  is  an  empty  assertion  and  the  second 
only  half  a  truth,  the  whole  of  that  Imperial  abso- 
lutism was  built  which  William  II  was  never  tired 


256  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

of  proclaiming.  German  writers  who  have  wished 
to  exclude  the  idea  of  vanity  as  something  foreign 
to  his  nature  have  given  themselves  much 
trouble  to  explain  that  it  was  not  in  the  least 
for  his  own  sake  that  he  desired  all  these  peacock 
feathers  of  power  which  he  had  opened  out  in  the 
course  of  years  into  such  a  magnificent  fan.  It 
is  from  respect  to  that  kingship  by  the  grace  of 
God  to  which  he  was  born,  and  the  idea  of  which 
he  regards  it  as  his  exalted  mission  to  keep  alive 
among  the  children  of  men.  Therefore  he  assumes 
all  burdens,  great  and  small  alike,  with  a  con- 
scientious thoroughness  that  knows  no  equal,  and 
still  finds  time  to  strike  a  blow  for  his  "  cousins," 
whose  ideas  as  to  their  position  are  liable  to  be 
blunted  in  their  somewhat  over-parliamentary  sur- 
roundings. Practically  speaking,  this  explanation 
of  his  attitude  makes  little  difference.  As  "  the 
last  feudal  lord  "  who  has  received  his  crown  direct 
from  God,  and  who  one  day  will  be  called  to 
account  as  to  how  he  has  used  his  privilege,  the 
vocation  of  King  and  Emperor  has  a  significance 
for  him  which  would  crush  him  utterly  if  he  did 
not  feel  that  he  lived  day  by  day  in  spiritual 
intercourse  with  the  King  of  Kings — iinser  alter 
deutscher  Gott.^  He  laboured  to  make  the  nation 
see  things  in  the  same  light,  and  with  his  strange 
weakness  for  reckoning  as  facts  things  which  are 
only  fanciful  aspirations  he  saw  the  German  nation 
filled  with  the  spirit  of  monarchy — so  much  so  as 
to  be  sufficient,  not  only  for  himself  but  to  serve  as 
a  reserve  supply  at  the  disposition  of  others.  His 
"  dynastic  guests  "  grew  physically  and  spiritually 
^  Our  old  German  God. 


WILLIAM   THE   PROBLEM  257 

to  overwhelming  dimensions,  and  on  behalf  of  his 
people  he  proclaimed  to  them  what  Germany's 
feelings  were.  On  one  occasion,  several  days  after 
the  departure  of  the  present  Tsar — an  unassuming, 
slightly  built  man — the  Kaiser  protested  that  they 
all  still  felt  "  the  influence  of  that  heroic  figure 
of  knightly  romance  ";  and  towards  the  King  of 
Spain,  some  years  later,  he  expressed  his  firm 
conviction  that  "  the  German  nation  daily  unites 
in  prayer  "  on  that  young  ruler's  behalf. 

By  magnifying  the  idea  of  monarchy  to  a  super- 
human extent,  by  looking  on  himself  as  the  high 
priest  of  this  cult  at  home  and  abroad,  and  by 
labouring  at  it  unceasingly  by  word  and  deed  he 
needed  only  to  take  one  step  to  arrive  at,  not 
only  a  personal  but  even  a  directly  familiar  relation 
with  the  God  he  so  constantly  invoked.  Since  the 
days  of  Moses  the  world  has  not  seen  such  an 
intimacy  between  the  Creator  and  one  of  His 
creatures,  and,  like  his  great  prototype,  he  pro- 
claims loudly  and  frequently,  so  that  no  one  can 
be  in  doubt  or  say  that  he  has  not  heard  it,  that 
between  God  and  himself  in  his  capacity  of  King 
and  Emperor — "  the  gracious  God  and  I  " — there 
is  a  temporal  and  spiritual  alliance  which  makes 
him  strong,  and  which  through  him  flows  rich  with 
blessings  to  his  people  and  bears  a  message  to 
all  the  rest  of  humanity.  Arm  in  arm  with  "  our 
Ally  from  Rossbach  and  Deannewitz  "  under  the 
eye  of  Kaiser  William  the  Great  and  his  paladins 
who  look  down  from  their  heaven,  he  has  gone 
about  the  world  in  an  exuberance  of  confidence 
— Optimist    dutch    und    durch,^    as    he    said    of 

'  Optimistic  through  and  through. 
18 


258  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

himself — "  specially  protect^  "  on  his  road  towards 
"  glorious  days." 

And  by  degrees  not  only  he  but  also  the  German 
nation  are  supposed  to  occupy  a  peculiar  position 
with  higher,  more  exalted,  duties  than  those  of 
others. 

"  Russians,  Frenchmen,  Englishmen — whoever 
they  may  be — all  struggle  for  civilization.  We 
Germans  also  think  of  something  higher — namely, 
our  religion."  ' 

The  remark  is  typical  and  stands  in  close  con- 
nection with  the  even  more  characteristic  speech 
which  we  have  already  quoted. 

"  We  are  the  salt  of  the  earth."  Here  we 
have  the  missionary  idea  clearly  formulated,  the 
programme  decided,  and  the  road  marked  out  : 
"  Go  forth,  ye  Germans,  and  conquer  the  world. 
We  are  the  first  in  science,  mechanics,  and  lart, 
and  in  those  directions  where  we  still  lack  some- 
thing we  are  going  to  work  ourselves  up  into  the 
first  rank.  Look  at  the  statistics.  We  i>ass  one 
opponent  after  another,  beat  our  own  records  and 
other  people's,  and  constantly  establish  new 
standards.      Gott  mit  uns!  " 

By  degrees  the  nation  was  gradually  hypnotized 
— a  condition  easily  reached  by  the  German 
temperament,  childish  and  unreflecting,  devoid 
of  political  instinct,  with  a  tendency  to  mysticism 
and  an  almost  boundless  faith  in  authority. 
William  the  Problem,  a  thing  which  originally 
only  concerned  Germany,  grew  into  the  problem 
of  Deutschtum — a  new  conception  of  vastly  greater 

^  From    the    speech    made  in   Wilhelmshaven    to    the    first 
expeditionary  force  to  China. 


WILLIAM   THE   PROBLEM  259 

dimensions  which  concerns  the  whole  outside  world. 
Scientifically  it  had  already  become  something  of 
a  philosophical  system,  even  before  the  end  of  the 
century,'  and  by  degrees  evolved  its  own  peculiar 
morality  with  two  main  divisions  :  the  first  in- 
cluding all  that  is  permitted  to  the  Germans,  ;the 
second  all  that  is  forbidden  to  the  rest  of  the 
world — which  in  practice  comes  to  the  same 
thing. 

The  Kaiser  and  Harden — les  extremes  se 
touchent — share  the  same  fundamental  view,  the 
only  difference  being  that  Harden  ventures  to  trace 
the  inevitable  consequence  of  that  Imperial  remark 
about  civis  Romanus — namely,  that  "  we  Germans 
are  not  to  be  judged  by  other  Europeans." 

In  these  words,  which  embody  the  whole 
psychology  of  the  War,  as  far  as  Germany  is  con- 
cerned, there  is  no  longer  any  question  about  the 
subjective  will,  either  in  the  Kaiser  or  in  the  bulk 
of  his  countrymen.  What  comes  into  operation 
is  a  complete  system — psychic,  political,  social,  and 
economical  forces  combined — all  that  in  the  course 
of  years  has  made  possible  the  development  of 
a  type  like  William  II,  and  given  it  such  an 
ominous  influence  tending  more  than  others  towards 
the  catastrophe  which  some  few  far-sighted  mortals 
prophesied  nearly  a  generation  ago. 

We  fully  agree  with  those  who  maintain — even 
in  England — that  William  II  never  consciously 
willed  the  war  ;  but  it  is  equally  certain  that  he 
has  been  unconsciously  working  up  to  it  ever  since 
his  first  threats  on  the  eighth  anniversary  of  Mars 

'  Cf.   Professor  Gallwitz's  article  "  Vom  deutschen  Gott"  in 
Preussische  Jahrbucher,  1899. 


26o  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

la  Tours. »  The  German  people  share  his  guilt 
indirectly — because  they  did  not  protest  against 
the  Imperial  declamations,  because  for  twenty-six 
years  they  allowed  him  to  trifle  with  war  and 
with  the  thoughts  of  war,  in  the  midst  of  a  perfect 
torrent  of  assurances  of  f>eace,  so  that  by  degrees 
a  confusion  was  established  between  dreams  and 
realities,  between  theory  and  fact.  We  have  seen 
how  from  time  to  time  the  nation  has  reacted — 
above  all,  in  1908 — and  that  it  was  clear  to  a 
far  greater  part  of  it  than  one  would  think  possible 
that  things  were  taking  place  which  might  one 
day  place  Germany  face  to  face  with  a  situation 
of  the  most  amazing  consequence.  But  the  system 
was  too  powerful  and  the  nation's  powers  of 
"  going  from  political  comprehension  to  practical 
action  "  too  weak  for  this  to  make  much  differ- 
ence. 2  Therefore  it  came  about  that  William  II, 
through  the  strong  and  weak  points  in  his  people, 
as  well  as  through  those  in  himself,  was  necessarily 
a  contradiction  in  his  day.  The  man  who  intro- 
duced himself  as  something  of  an  unrecognized 
genius,  and  who  tried  to  prove  his  contention  by 
giving  the  world  the  most  astounding  surprises, 
ended  by  representing  himself  and  his  pyeople  as 
innocent  creatures,  hemmed  in  by  a  ring  of 
enemies.  Therefore  history,  for  which  William  II 
has  never  been  more  than  a  problem  for  men 
to  sharpen  their  wits  upon  in  hours  of  ease,  has 
no  use  for  him  in  the  greatest,  most  stupendous 
crisis  in  the  life  of  the  German  nation.  He  who 
in  the  days  of  peace  always  had  something  to  say 

'    Cf.  with  p.  33. 

'  From  Prince  Billow's  book  "  Imperial  Germany," 


WILLIAM   THE   PROBLEM  261 

has  become  remarkably  taciturn  in  this  time  of 
war.  Also  the  little  that  he  does  say  has  changed 
its  character.  He  has  nothing  left  to  point  lat — 
not  one  illusion  which  can  serve  as  a  programme 
at  the  moment.  He  only  has  excuses — a  substitute 
he  did  not  know  before — and  in  face  of  the  horror 
of  the  moment  there  is  nothing  left  of  the  pride 
of  "  the  Roman  citizen  ''  ;  "In  compulsory  self- 
defence,  with  clear  conscience  and  clean 
hands.   .    .    ."  ' 

But  history,  which  has  no  use  for  protestations 
like  these  in  such  a  moment,  follows  him  discreetly 
to  his  motor-car  and  shuts  the  door.  How  long 
he  will  remain  in  that  car — speeding  furiously 
between  two  fronts — the  future  alone  can  show. 
He  himself  seems  to  think  that  there  is  plenty 
of  time.  Last  autumn  he  worked  out  some 
elaborate  regulations  for  new  uniforms  to  be  worn 
in  peace-time,  with  a  wealth  of  directions  about 
materials  and  colours,  gaiters  and  boots,  epaulettes 
and  bandoliers,  cords  and  tassels,  and  all  the  rest 
of  the  accoutrements. 2 

"  What  a  comedy  !     But  it  is  nothing  more  I  " 

Nevertheless — and  here  William  the  Man  and 
iWilliam  the  Problem  meet  in  that  higher,  unalter- 
able unity  which  must  be  added  to  complete  the 
picture — what  we  have  called  the  "  Prologue  "  is 
followed  by  its  natural  "Epilogue":  "For, 
gentlemen,   I   am   a   soldier." 

Germany's    sacrifices    are    greater,    her    wounds 

'  From  the  speech  from  the  throne  at  the  opening  of  the 
Reichstag  on  August  4,  1914. 

*  Published  in  the  Armee  Verordnungsblatt  and  subsequently  in 
the  German  daily  press  in  the  beginning  of  October,  1915. 


262  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

more  terrible,  than  at  any  previous  moment  in 
her  history  ;  it  is  the  tragedy  of  Fate  for  the 
nation  which  allowed  itself  to  be  led  unresistingly 
towards   "  glorious   days." 

But  the  Kaiser  does  not  forget  his  people. 
They  have  their  reward  in  the  promise  of  new 
uniforms. 


LITERATURE   CONCERNING   WILLIAM  II 

According  to  Karl  Georg's  well-known  "  Schlagwortkatalog " 
for  1910  over  four  hundred  books  and  pamphlets  concerning 
William  II  have  been  published  in  the  last  twenty-two  years. 
Since  then  the  number  has  considerably  increased  on  account 
of  his  twenty-five  years'  jubilee  and  the  centenary  jubilee  of 
German  liberation,  which  coincided  in  1913. 

It  stands  to  reason  that  such  an  enormous  production  excludes 
the  possibility  of  genuine  intimate  knowledge  or  criticism,  and 
the  titles  themselves  show  that  quite  a  disproportionate  number 
of  these  books  and  pamphlets  have  made  it  their  first  and  most 
important  object  to  glorify  rather  than  to  describe.  They 
contain,  therefore,  very  little  real  historical  matter.  Of  the 
more  important  German  works  on  William  II  and  his  times 
we  may  name  : — 

WiLHELM  II.  die  Reden  Kaiser  Wilhelms  II  (Reclanis  Uni- 
versal Bibliothek.  4th  vol.,  Nos.  3658-60,  4548-50,  4903-5, 
5561-2  respectively).  The  Imperial  speeches  up  to  the 
end  of  1912. 

A.  OsKAR  Klaussmann.  Kaiserreden  (i 888-1902).  Speeches 
letters,  rescripts,  and  telegrams,  arranged  to  give  a  Cha- 
rakterbild  of  the  Kaiser  (1902). 

E.  Schroder.  Zwanzig  Jahre  Regierungszeit :  ein  Tagebuch 
Kaiser  Wilhelms  II  (June  15,  1888,  to  June  15,  1908).  Nach 
Hof  und  andere  Berichten  (1908). 

G.  HiNTZPETER.  Kaiser  Wilhelm  II  :  ein  Skizze  nach  der  Natur 
gezeichnet  (1888). 

Otto  Mittelstadt.  Vor  der  Fluth  ;  sechs  Briefe  zur  Poliiik 
der  deutschen  Gegenwart  (1898). 

Paul  Liman.  Der  Kaiser  :  Versuch  einer  Charakteristik  Kaiser 
Wilhelms  II  1889-1909.     (3rd  Edition  1911.) 

2f.3 


264  WILLIAM   THE   SECOND 

F.  VON  Bernhardi.     Deutschland  und  der  nachste  Krieg  (191 1). 
Karl  Lamprecht,     Der   Kaiser  :   Versuch  einer  Charakteristik 

(1913)- 
Graf  E.   Reventlow.     Kaiser    Wilhelm    und    die   Byzantiner 

(1906) ;    Deutschlands  auswartige  Politik  1 888-1913  (1913). 
Felix  Rachfal.     Kaiser  und  Reich  1888-1913  (1913). 
Deutschland  unter  Kaiser  Wilhelm  II  (I-III).    Containing 

contributions  by  a  number  of  excellent  authorities,  among 

them  being  Prince  Billow.    (Cf.  page  53.)     1911. 
FiJRST  Chlodwig  zu   Hohenlohe  Schillixgsfurst.      Denk- 

wiirdigkelten  i.-ii.  (1907),  published  by  Friedrich  Curtius. 
Maximilian  Harden.    Kopfe  i.-iii.  (1910-13). 

The  principal  magazines  in  Germany,  England,  and  France 
(1888-1913)  contain  an  abundance  of  information  with  respect  to 
William  II's  personality  and  the  most  important  events  of  his 
reign  concerning  international  policy  before  the  Great  War. 
Besides  these,  there  are,  published  at  the  same  period,  numberless 
monographs  on  the  Kaiser  in  French  and  English,  and  also  many 
works  on  his  times.  The  Great  War  has  contributed  to  the 
increase  of  this  literature,  especially  in  England,  and  new  works 
are  constantly  appearing. 

From  the  French  point  of  view  "The  French  Yellow  Book" 
and  Baron  Beyen's  "  I'Allemagne  avant  la  Guerre "  (mentioned 
page  237)  are  important  immediate  contributions  to  explain  the 
psychology  of  the  Kaiser  and  the  general  feeling  in  Germany 
immediately  before  the  Great  War. 


INDEX 


Aachen,  speech  of  William  II  at, 

199-200 
Abdul  Hamid,  45,  143-4 
Aehrenthal,  Count,  231 
Agadir  incident,   the,  235-6,   240, 

252-3 

Albrecht,  Duke  of  Prussia,  84 

Aldershot,  43 

Alexander  III  of  Russia,  44,  59 

Alexandra,  Queen,  229 

Algeciras,  230 

Alsace-Lorraine,  visit  of  William 
II  to,  44 ;  question  of,  184 

America  Cup,  the,  127 

Arbitration  Between  Nations, 
British  and  Foreign  Association 
for,  92 

Army,  the,  pi'oclamation  of 
William  II  to,  30  ;  Army  Act, 
1893,  loi  ;  speech  of  William 
II  at  Potsdam,  1898,  138  ;  the 
rescript  of  1890,  151-3  ;  a 
question  of  uniform,  153-4  J 
manoeuvres,  154-5 

Arthur,  Port,  fall  of,  206 

Atlantic  record,  the,  127 

Augusta,  Empress,  44-5 

Augusta  Victoria,  Kaiserin,   16,  18 

Austria,  relations  with  Napoleon 
III,  1-2  ;  William  II's  alliance 
with,  32,  43  ;  treaty  with 
Germany,  1879,  58-9  ;  effect  of 
the  Reassurance  Treaty  on,  87 
annexation  of  Bosnia,  231 

Baden,  44,  127 

Baden,    Grand   Duke   of,    12-13  ; 

and  Swiss  neutrality,  50-1  ;  on 

Bismarck's  fall,  54 


Bagdad  Railway,  the,  143 
Balkan  Peninsula,  situation  in  the, 

58,  236  ;  policy  of  William  II,  45 
Bassermann      on      the    Breslau 

speech,  212-13 
Bavaria,   visit  of  torpedo  flotilla, 

127 
Berchtesgaden,  219 
Berlepsch,  Herr  von,  61 
Berlin,    excitement    on  birth    of 

William  II,   3  ;  the  Tiergarten 

Railway  Station,  43  ;  Moltke's 

memorial   in   the    Konigsplatz, 

211 
Berlin  City  Council,   William  II 

and  the,  38-9 
Berlin   Congress,    treatment    of 

Russia,  58 
Berlin  Treaty,  1878,  terms,  231 
Berliner  Tageblatt,  articles  citedy 

29-30 
Bernhardi,  General  von,  book  of, 

253 

Beyens,  Ba.ron,L'Allemagiie  avanf 
la  Guerre,  236-8,  241-2 

Bieberstein,  Marschall  von,  the 
Kruger  telegram,  1 16-17 

Bielefeld,  149 

Bismarck,  "Bill,"  46 

Bismarck,  Count  Herbert,  46, 
98-100 

Bismarck,  Frau  Johanna,  81 

Bismarck,  Prince,  relations  with 
William  II,  i,  19-20,21-3,  40-1, 
63,  169,  222,  251  ;  Frederick  III 
and,  24-7 ;  Russian  policy,  32, 
53.  58-9,  68 ;  visit  from  the 
Kaiser,  34-5  ;  royal  telegrams 
from  Athens,    45-6 ;    intrigues 


266 


INDEX 


against,  46-52  ;  causes  of  his 
fall,  53-O6 ;  speech  in  the 
Reichstag,  1889,  citcd^  57  ;  re- 
lations with  Austria,  58-9  ; 
policy  towards  England,  68  ; 
relations  with  Caprivi,  81  ; 
illness  1893,  101-2  ;  death,  145  ; 
remarks  of,  quoted,  148  ;  de- 
scription of  Count  Waldersee, 
163  ;  saying  of,  regarding  Kiao- 
Chao,  189 

Bleichroder,  Herr,  63 

Bliicher,  201 

Bohemia,  visit  to,  222 

Bon,  Signor  Saint,  37 

Bonn,  University  of,  lo-ii 

^'Borusser  Corps,"  the,  11,  233 

Bosnia,  231 

Boxer  riots  in  China,  1900,  157-66 

Brandenburg  Army  Corps,  3rd, 
speech  of  William  II  to,  240 

Bremen,  monument  to  William  I, 
73-6  ;  visit  in  1901,  174-7  ! 
speech  of  William  II  at,  207-8 

Bremen  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
report  of  1901,  129 

Bremenhafen,  speech  of  William 
II  at,  1900,  159-60 

Breslau,  35,  150  ;  speech  of 
William  II  at,  212 

Bronsart,  140 

Billow,  Prince,  Deutsche  Politik 
cited,  69  ;  reply  to  the  Chinese 
Emperor,  161  ;  appointed  Chan- 
cellor, 180-2  ;  on  the  American 
visit  of  Prince  Henry,  193  ; 
foreign  policy,  208-9  ;  his  title, 
211  ;  and  the  Imperial  interview, 
219-21,  225-6;  retirement,  233-4 

Cabinet    Order    of     1852,    62-3  ; 

Bismarck's  protest,  64 
Cambon,   M.  Jules,   the  "  Yellow 

Book,"  236  ;  on  William  II,  241 
Cambridge,  Duke  of,  43 


Capitol,  the,  Rome,  36 

Caprivi,  General  von,  successor  to 
Bismarck,  53,  61,  79,  81,  87,  96, 
loo-i,  224  ;  letter  of,  regarding 
the  Bismarck  wedding,  98-99  ; 
dismissal,  103-5  '>  Colonial 
Office  established,  120-1  ;  naval 
policy,  123  ;  and  the  Revolt 
Act,  132  ;  foreign  policy,  204 

Castellamare,  36 

Centiiyy  Magazine,  report  of  the 
Imperial  interview,  226 

Chance,  games  of,  denounced  by 
the  Kaiser,  152 

Chat  Noir,  Berlin,  223 

China,  Boxer  riots,  1900,  157-66  ; 
Russia's  policy  towards,  203-4 

Chino-Japanese  W^ar,  results, 
I 14-15 

Chirol,  Sir  Valentine,  185 

Christian  Socialists,  48 

Christiania,  85 

Chun,  Prince,  165 

Clemenceau,  M.,  239 

Cologne,  127 

Constantine,  King,  44 

Constantinople,  45,  143 

Contemporary  Rciew,  iSg2j  quoted, 

94 
Copenhagen,  34 
Corfu,  45 

Cowes  Regatta,  1895,  114 
Crispi,  37 

Daily  Telegraph,  publication  of 
the  personal  interview,  215-16, 
220-7 

Damascus,  144 

Dannewitz,  257 

Dardanelles,  45 

Darmstadt,  84 

Delagoa  Bay,  117 

Delbriick,  Professor,  150 

Delcasse,  M.,  146  ;  resignation, 
210-11 


INDEX 


267 


<ier  nciie  Hcrr,  80 

Dernburg,    Herr,  on   Eulenburg, 

104-5 

Deutsche  Rundschau,  publication 
of  the  "  Diaries,"  38 

Deutschland  fiber  Allcs,  70 

Dewey,  Admiral,  189 

Die  Flottc,  125 

Die  Grevzbotcn,  129 

Die  Post,  on  the  Imperial  inter- 
view, quoted,  219 

Donaueschingen,  223 

Dover,  43 

Dreadnought,  the,  visit  of  William 
n,  45-6 

Dresden,  battle  of,  35 

Dresden,  Bismarck  at,  100 

Dreyfus  case,  the,  146 

Dryander,  Rev,,  201 11. 

Edison,  44 

Education,  public  school  in 
Germany,  7-9 

Edward  VII  (as  Prince  of  Wales) 
in  Berlin,  71-2  ;  visit  in  1909, 
229  ;  his  opinion  of  William  II, 

239 

Elementary  School  Act,  loi 

Elizabeth,  Empress  of  Austria,  84 

Emanuel,  Victor,  37 

England,  visit  of  the  Kaiser,  1889, 
42  ;  policy  of  Bismarck  towards, 
68  ;  subsequent  visits,  85,  9T-4, 
1 10-18  ;  William  II  and,  87-8  ; 
appointment  of  Count  Walder- 
see,  164  ;  German  feeling  re- 
garding, 182-6 ;  the  alliance 
with  Japan,  183-4,  189  ;  proposal 
to  reduce  armaments,  233  ;  com- 
mercial treaty  with  Germany, 
230 ;  William's  hope  of  her 
neutrality,  242 

Entente,  the,  252 

Essen,  150  ;  William  II  at,  85 

Eulenburg,   Count,   influence    on 


William     II,    79 ;      defeat    of 
Caprivi,  104-5 

Fashoda  incident,  the,  147 

Figaro,  the,  239 

First  Foot  Guards,  part  played  by 
the,  11-12 

First  Navy  Act,  12 1-8 

First  Prussian  Guards,  uniform 
changes,  153 

France,  William  II  and,  33-4, 
146 ;  Hohenlohe  and,  135 

Francis-Ferdinand,  Archduke, 
222-3 

Francis-Joseph,  43 

Franco-British  Morocco  Agree- 
ment of  1904,  208-11 

Franco-German  War,  effects,  12- 

13,  47,  196 
Franco-Russian  Alliance,  59,  91, 

93 
Frankfort-on-the-Main,  223 
Frankfurter     Zeitung,     the,     on 

German  foreign  policy,  202-3 
Frederick  I,  234 

Frederick  III,  on  war,  quoted,  17  ; 

succession,  22-3  ;  proclamation 

and   aims,   24-7  ;  "  Diaries     of 

the  Emperor  Frederick,"  38-40 

Frederick  the  Great,  83-4  ;  bronze 

statue  of,  sent  to  America,  193 
Frederick,     Empress,     birth     of 
William  II,  2-5  ;  and  her  son, 
17  ;  Memoirs,  26-7 
Frederick-Charles,   Prince,  statue 

to,  33-4 
Frederick-William  I,  234 
Frederick-William  III,  229 
Frederick-William  IV,  i,  83 
Frederick-William    of    Branden- 
burg, 15-16,  83  n. ;    jubilee  of, 
168 
Freiligrath,  poet,  109 
Friedrichsruhe,  34,  57,  70,  100,  102 
Furstenberg,  Prince,  11,  223,  224 


268 


INDEX 


Gazelle,    the,   letter    of  Princess 

Victoria  to,  4-5 
Geffcken,  Dr.  Robert,  38 
George  V.    at  the   International 

Labour  Congress,  71  ;  journey 

as  Prince  of  Wales,  186 
German   Confederation,   and  the 

Naval  movement,  127 
Germersheim,  127 
Gladstone,   W.     E.,    and    Abdul 

Hamid,  143 
Goethe,  quoted,  10,  18,  67,  72,  125, 

171,  214 
Golden  Bull,  the,  quoted,  63 
Gossler,  Herr  von,  165-6 
Gravelotte,  12 

"  Great  Knife  (The),"  157-8 
Greece,  44-5 
Guildhall,  London,  92-4 

Hague  Conference,  the  first,  187  ; 

the  second,  252 
Hamburg,       128  ;    opening       of 

harbour,  35 
Hambui-gerNachrichlen,  the,  cited, 

59 

Hammerstein,  47-8 

Hankow,  114 

Hanover,  visits  to,  44  ;  the  Water- 
loo column,  147  ;  speech  of 
William  U,  201 

Harden,  Maximilian,  on  William 
n,  177  ;  on  the  Imperial  inter- 
view, 219 ;  article  in  the 
Zukunft,  239  ;  opinions  of,  259 

Heine,  221 

Heligoland  Agreement,  1890,  88- 
90 

Helmholtz,  18 

Henry,  Prince,  123  ;  mission  to 
China,  141-2  ;  visit  to  America, 
190-9,  203 

Herbette,  M.,  97 

Hertha,  the,  124  h. 

Herzegovina,  231 


Hessen,  127 

Hintzpeter,  Dr.,  quoted,  5-6,  li,  21, 
332 

Hohenlohe.Prince,  "  Memoirs  "of, 

quoted,  16,  47,  50-1,  53-4,  70-1, 
.8g,    102,    184;  Chancellorship, 

132-4,  178-80 
Hohcnzollern,      the,      speech     of 

William  11;  on,   igoo,  161-2 
HoUeben,  von,  recall,  202 
HoUman,  Admiral,     letter    from 

William  II,  201 
Hollweg,  Chancellor    Bethmann, 

at  Bonn,  11  ;  and  the  proposed 

reduction  of  armaments,  233-4 
Holstein,  Baron  von,  185 
Holtzendorff,  Admiral  von,  223-4 
Hoyos,  Margarethe,  98 
Humbert,  King,  visit  of  William 

II  to,  36 
Huret,  Jean,  opinion  of  the  Kaiser, 

239 

Ibsen," The  Doll's  Ho-asQ," quoted , 

246 
Imperial     Shipbuilding     League, 

111-12 
International  Labour  Conference, 

1890,  60-3,  71-3 
Italy, William  II  and,32;  the  break 

up  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  189 

Jagow,  von,  11 

Jameson,  Dr.,  raid  of,  1 15-19 

Japan,  Treaty  of  Shimoniseki,, 
114-15  ;  the  war  with  Russia, 
155-6  ;  alliance  with  England, 
183-4,  189  ;  Russian  policy  to- 
wards, 203 ;  opposed  to  Ger- 
many in  1914,  205  ;  attitude  of 
William  II  towards,  227 

Jerusalem,  "  Church  of  the  Re- 
deemer "  in,  143-4 

Journalists,  British,  and  Germarii 
reciprocal  visits,  253 


INDEX 


269 


Juan  Shi  Kai,  158  n. 
Jubilee  3'ear,  the,  io6-ig 

Kaiser       Alexander       Regiment, 

speech  to  the,  176-7 
Kaiser  Karl  dcr  Grossc,  128 
Kaiser  Wilhclm  dcr  Grossc,  128 
Kassel,  the  gymnasium,  7-9 
Ketteler,  Freiherr  von,  murder  of, 

158-65 
Kiau-Chau,  121,  140-1,  158,  189 
Kiel,  32,  128,  223-4 
Kissingen,  Bismarck  at,  100-2 
Kitchener,  Lord,  147 
Knackfuss,  Prof.,  painting  of,  159- 

60,  204 
Koester,  Admiral  von,  124 
Kolnische  Zeitung,  39 
Konigsberg,  149  ;  speech  at,  1910, 

234-5 
Kopenick  incident,  the,  214 
Kreuzzeitung,  the,  articles  quoted, 

47,  105 
Kronstadt,  91 

Kruger  telegram,the,i  15-19,147-8 
Krupp's,  85 
"Kultur,"  238 
Kupfergraben,  176 

Labour    Congress,   International, 

60-3,  71-3 

Lauenburg,  Duke  of,  title  con- 
ferred on  Bismarck,  65 

Leipzig,  law  courts,  35 

Leo  XIII,  visit  of  WiUiam  II  to,  36 

Lessing,  Minna  von  Barnhelm,  80 

Lichterfeld,  85 

Lippe-Detmold,  Prince,  35 

Lithuania,  91 

Loewenfeld,  General  von,  224 

London,  excitement  on  birth  of 
William  II,  3 ;  visit  of  the 
Kaiser,  1891,  92-4 

Louisa,  Queen,  235 

Louvain,  254 


Luther,  84 

Lucanus,  Herr  von,  105,  180-1 

Macedonia,  204 

Malplaquet,  43,  229 

Malta,  45-6 

Manchuria,  205 

Maracaibo,  203 

Mars-la-Tours,  33-4,  259-60 

Maurenbrecher,  Prof.,  20 

Meline,  M.,  146 

Memel,  91 

Meteor,  launch  of  the,  189-99 

Mill,  Stuart,  247 

Mittelstiidt,  Otto,  69 

Moltke,  Count  von,  48,  72-3,  84 
211-12,  241 

Mommsen,  Prof.,  150-1 

Monroe  Doctrine,  the,  183,  202 

Morocco,  Franco-British  agree- 
ment, 1904,  208-11  ;  Algeciras, 
230  ;    the   Agadir,    235-6,    240, 

252-3 
Munich,  35  ;  Bismarck  at,  100 
Murat,  Joachim,  36 

Naples,  visit  of  William  II,  36-7 

Napoleon  III,  relations  with  Aus- 
tria, 1-2  ;  the  German  victories, 
12  ;  the  rising  against,  237 

Narva,  91 

Navy,  the,  proclamation  of  Wil- 
liam II,  30  ;  the  Kaiser  a  British 
admiral,  42-5  ;  his  interest  in 
109-13  ;  the  First  Navy  Act, 
I2I-8  ;  the  Naval  Department, 
123-4  !  the  Chinese  expedition, 
173  ;  speech  of  Hohenlohe 
on  the  Navy  Bill,  179 ;  Acts, 
1906-13,  185-6  ;  the  speech  at 
Bremen,  207-8  ;  new  saluting 
regulations  at  Kiel,  223-4  i  Eng- 
land's proposal  to  reduce  arma- 
ments, 233 

Navy  League,  the,  123-8 


270 


INDEX 


Nelson,   German  admiration   for, 

III 
New  York  Times,  226 
New    York  World,  publication  of 

the  Imperial  interview,  227 
Nicholas  II,  peace  manifesto,  1898, 

187  ;  William  II  and,  204  ;  visit 

to  Germany,  257 
Nogi,  General,  206 
Norddcutsche  AIlge>neinc  Zeitttug, 

33,  167  ;  report  of  the  Imperial 

interview,  218-19 
Norderney,  219-20 
North  German  Lloyd  line,  the,  73 
Norway,  visits  to,  42 

Oeynhausen,  149 
Ohnet,  Georges,  72,  136 
Old  Age  and  Disablement  Insur- 
ance Bill,  51-2 
Omdurman,  147 
Oscar,  King,  85 
Otto  HI,  194 

Palestine,  visit  of  William  II  to, 

142-4 
Panther,  the,  at  Agadir,  235-6 
Pape,  General,  84 
Parthenon,  the,  45 
Peking,  Boxer  rising,  157-66 
Pemba,  88 
"  Penance  Mission  "  from  China 

165 

Pericles,  45 

Peterhof,  33 

Pctropaulovsk,  loss  of  the,  205 

Philippine  War,  the,  1898,  189 

"  Poem  to  ^gir,"  104 

Poland,  Russian  troops  in,  205 

Portugal,  commercial  treaty  with 

Germany,  230 
Portuguese  in  Africa,  117 
Potsdam,  138 

Preussische  Jahrbticher,  the,  150 
Prison  Act,  the,  149 


Prussian    Guard,   the,   William's 

appeal  to,  178 
Prussian  War  Office  centenary,  229 
Prussians,    the,    proclamation   of 

the  Emperor  Frederick  to,  24-5  ; 

proclamation  of  William  II, 30-1 
Public  School  education,  William 

II  on,  7-9 

Queich  River,  127 

Queiroz,  Eca  da,  quoted,  243,  245 

Quirinal,  the,  36 

Reassurance  Treaty,  the,  58-9,  87 

"  Red  Fist  (The),"  157-8 

Rcichsanzeiger,  the,  99  ;  on  the 
Imperial  interview,  225 

Reichs-Limes-Museum,  dedica- 
tion, 166-8,  180  «.,  251 

Reichstag,  the,  speeches  of  the 
Kaiser,  31-2,  212,  261 

Reims,  254 

Religion,  William  II  and,  247-8 

Renan,  Ernest,  243 

Reventlow,  Count,  book  of,  quoted 
182,  248  ;  policy,  209 

"  Revolt  Act,"  the,  103-4,  ^31)  H9 

Rhodes,  Cecil,  103 

Richter,  Eugen,  46 

Roberts,  Lord,  148,  217 

Rome,  visit  of  William  II,  35-6  ; 
Billow's  villa  at,  220 

Rominten,  219,  222 

Roon,  policy  of,  132,  229 

Roosevelt,  Miss  Alice,  191 

Roosevelt,  President,  190-3 

Rossbach,  257 

Rouvier,  M.,  210 

Rudolf  of  Hapsburg,  74 

Russia,  visit  to,  in  1888,  32-4  ; 
Bismarck's  policy  towards,  53-9^ 
68  ;  the  Reassurance  Treaty, 
58-9,  87,  95  ;  subsequent  visits 
to,  85,  90-1  ;  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  Count  Waldersee,  164  ; 


INDEX 


271 


peace  manifesto,  1898,  187  ; 
policy  of  William  II  towards, 
203-6  ;  attitude  towards  Austria, 
1908-9,  231  ;  effect  of  the  En- 
tente, 252 
Russo-Japanese  War,  204-6 

Saalburg,  the  museum  at,  166-8 

Salisbury,  Marquis  of,  and  Wil- 
liam II,  93  ;  peace  policy  of,  187 

Samoa  Islands,  146-7 

San  Remo,  23 

Sans  Souci,  29 

Savoy,  the,  37 

Saxony,  44 

Scharnhorst,  229 

Scheffler,  Karl,  171 

Schiller,  estimate  of  William  II, 
10  ;  "  Wilhelm  Tell  "  quoted, 
55  ;  "  Cassandra  "  quoted,  159  ; 
Schiller's  Day,  1905,  254 

Schweninger,  Prof.,  62 

Schwerin,  44 

Sedan, 12 

Serajevo,  223,  242 

Serbia,  the  note  of  March  31, 1909, 
231 

Seymour,  Admiral,  173 

Shantung,  murder  of  missionaries, 
140-1 

Shimoniseki,  Peace  of,  1 14-15 

Siegesallce,  the,  17C-2 

Simon,  Jules,  at  the  Labour  Con- 
gress, 71-3  ;  the  conversation 
with  William  II,  71,  241  ;;. 

Social  Democrats,  Stoecker  and 
the,  48  ;  William  II  on  the,  60, 
76-7,  108,  123,  149-51,  247  ; 
attitude  towards  the  war,  238-9 

Somaliland,  88 

Sophia,  Queen,  44 

South  African  War,  effect  of  Ger- 
man foreign  policy,  147-8,  203  ; 
the  concentration  camps,  182  ; 
German  hostility,  2i6 


Spahn,  Herr,  213 

Spain,  the  Philippine  War,  189  ; 
interests  in  Morocco,  209  ;  Wil- 
liam II  and,  257 

Standard,  the,  criticism  of  Wil- 
Ham  II,  1 14-15 

Stanley,  H.  M.,  on  the  Heligoland 
Agreement,  88 

State  Island,  190 

Stead,  William,  243 

Stengel,  Prof.,  187-8 

Stern  burg,  Speck  von,  202 

Stettin,  129 

Stockholm,  34 

Stoecker,  Rev.,  18,  31,  196  ;  and 
Bismarck,  47-8 

Stossel,  General,  206 

Strassburg,  127,  254 

Stuttgart,  35 

Sudan,  the,  147 

Switzerland,  Germany  and,  50-1 

Taaffe,  Count,  36,  40 

Tangier,  visit  of  William  II,  208-9 

Tangier  affair,  the,  252 

Tientsin,  114 

Times,  The,  criticism  of  William  II. 

40  ;   on  the    Kruger  telegram, 

116 ;  on  the  "  Greater  Germany  " 

speech,  120 
Tirpitz,      Admiral     von,      123-4^ 

140-1,  192-3 
Tolstoi,  243 
Trafalgar,  iii 

Transvaal,  Jameson's  raid,  115-19 
Treitschke,  cited,  55 
Triple  Alliance,  Bismarck  and  the, 

53  ;  break   up   begun   in    1901, 

189 
Triple  Entente,  offence  at  action 

of  Austria,  231 
Tripoli  War,  1911,  189 
Tsu-Hsi,  Empress,  157-8 
Tuileries,  the,  i 
Turkey,  Macedonian  question,  204 


272 


INDEX 


Umbcrto  ironclad,  launch  of  the, 

63 

United  States,  overtures  of  Wil. 
Ham  II,  189-99  ;  German  rela- 
tions with,  203 

Unter  den  Linden,  3,  12 

Vatican,  the,  36 
Venezuela,  202-3 
Vereshchagin,  205 
Vernois,  Herr  Verdy  du,  46 
Versailles,  the  Gallery  of  Mirrors, 

50 
Vesuvius,  37 
Viborg  Regiment,  William  II  and 

the,  205-6 
Victoria,  Queen,  honoured  by  the 

Kaiser,   43  ;  at  Darmstadt,   84  ; 

William    II    and,    114-15,    W, 

217  ;  death,  118 
Vienna,  visits  to,  35-6,  232 
Virchow,  18 
Voight,  Wilhelm,  episode  of,  213- 

14 
Vollmar,  Herr  von,  203 
Vorwiirts,  the,  publication  of  the 

Stoecker  letter,  48-9 

Waldersee,  Count,  18 ;  and  Bis- 
marck, 46-8  ;  influence  on  Wil- 
liam II,  79;  mission  to  China, 
1900,  162-4 

Wartburg,  84 

Washington, 
tions,  190-1 

Waterloo,  references  to,  by  Wil- 
liam II,  43,  72,  201,  229 

Waterloo  Column,  Hanover,  147 

Weiland,  outrage  on  William  II, 

174-7 
Weimar,  Duke  of,  65-6 
Weissenburg,  12 


birthdav    celebra- 


Weltpolitik,  German,  rise  of,  86, 
108,  120,  128,  186,  197-8 

Wernigerode,  84 

West,  Mr.  Putnam,  "  Indiscreet 
Letters  from  Peking,"  157 

Westphalia,  44 

Wiesbaden,  84  ;  speech  at,  188 

Wildenbruch,  Ernst  von,  136 

Wilhelmshaven,  35,  128  ;  speech 
at,  258 

Wilhelmstrasse,  the,  63,  219,  226 

"  Willehalm"  play,  136-8 

William  I,  regency,  i  ;  and  his 
grandson,  11-12,  14,  32  ;  and 
the  Franco-German  War,  12  ; 
characteristics,  17-18,  77,  83  ; 
death,  23  ;  selection  of  Capri vi, 
61  ;  memorial  at  Wernigerode, 
84  ;  celebration  of  the  centenary 
of  his  birth,  135-8  ;  William  II 
on,  234-5 

Windhorst,  Herr,  63 

Windsor  Castle,  217 
Wittelsbach,  128 

Witu  protectorate,  88 

Wohlgemuth,  case  of,  50 

Wolff's    Agency,    report    of    the 

Imperial  Interview,  218 
WoUmar,  Herr,  213 
Woman,  William  II  on  her  duties, 
247 

Worth,  12 

"  Yellow  Book,"  the  French,  1913, 
236 

Zanzibar  protectorate,  88 
Zeppehn,  Count,  223 
Zola,  William  II  on,  71-2 
Zorn,  Prof.,  188 

Zukunft,  the,  169 ;  Harden's 
article  quoted,  239 


Printed  »h  Great  Britain  by 

UNWIN  BROTHERS,  LIMITED,  THE  GRESHAM  PRESS,  WOKING    AND  LONDON 


AA    000  839  606 


Hi 


!      '  I 


